August 20, 2016 - No. 32
CPC(M-L) Holds
August
Celebrations
Dawn Ceremony Pays
Tribute to
the
Builders of the Party
In
Memoriam -- Jean-Guy Allard
• A Journalist with Fidelity to the
Cause of Justice
Trudeau
Government
Escalates
War
Preparations
• Plans for Militarization
of Arctic
Under U.S. Control
- Enver Villamizar -
Reject Neo-Liberal
Ideological Assault
• Finding Something Magical about
Private Ownership and
Control of Social Property
- K.C. Adams -
CPC(M-L) Holds August Celebrations
Dawn Ceremony Pays Tribute to the
Builders of the Party
As part of its annual August celebrations that mark
historic anniversaries in the life of the Party and the working class,
the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) pays tribute to
the builders of the Party in a Dawn Ceremony at the Party
Memorial in Ottawa's Beechwood Cemetery. The Memorial is
dedicated to the memory of Comrade Hardial Bains, Founder and
Leader of CPC(M-L) and to other Party comrades who have passed away,
and pays deepest tribute to the working class of Canada and the
fighting peoples of the entire world.
This year, comrades gathered
at dawn on August 14, the
youth honour guard flanking the memorial with the red flags of
the Party. Members of the Party's cultural organizations began
the proceedings with a rendition of the song The Dawn, followed
by
Our Founder, Our Leader in
tribute to Comrade Bains, and other Party and anti-fascist songs.
As the musicians played, flowers were laid by delegations from
the Party's Central Committee, Party youth, representatives of
the Workers' Centre and other Party institutions, the Outaouais
Party organization, and the regional committees of the Party
from British Columbia, Alberta, Ontario, Quebec and the Maritimes, as
well as a
bouquet on behalf of representatives of the International
Communist Movement. The tributes ended with the singing of The
Internationale.
After the floral tributes, the First Secretary of the
Party's
Central Committee led the youth, Party comrades both old and new, and
fraternal comrades in a
survey of the significance of all the builders of the Party whose
names are inscribed upon the Party monument. The tremendous
contribution of workers hailing from all lands; of the youth; of women;
and of the Indigenous peoples and national minorities made an
impression on
all gathered. It showed how the best representatives that society
has given rise to from the time of the Third International have
come forward to build the Party at every stage of its life and
work. The Party honours their memory today by taking forward the
revolutionary traditions they represent.
For more information about the Party memorial, click here. To
read about
CPC(M-L)'s August celebrations, see TML
Weekly August 13, 2016 - No. 31.
In Memoriam
-- Jean-Guy Allard
A Journalist with Fidelity to the Cause of Justice
Jean-Guy Allard
1948 - 2016
|
With sorrow the Communist Party of Canada
(Marxist-Leninist) learned of the death of Jean-Guy Allard, in
Havana, Cuba, on August 16, 2016 at the age of 68. CPC(M-L)
expresses its sincere condolences to his family, colleagues and
friends.
Jean-Guy Allard was born in Shawinigan, Quebec in 1948
and
for almost 30 years worked as a reporter and editor with Le
Journal de Montreal and Le Journal de Quebec. After
his retirement, he moved to Cuba where he resumed his journalistic
work and began what colleague and friend Jacques Lanctot
described as "his second life." Jean-Guy began working as a
French language editor with Granma International in 2001.
Before long he switched from translating to what became his
passion: investigating and writing about the activities of the
Miami-based terror network of CIA-backed Cuban
counterrevolutionaries and their mission to attack the Cuban
revolution and its leadership.
In addition to writing for Granma International,
Jean-Guy
was
one
of
the
founders
of
the
publication
Cubadebate and the
creator of Contrainjerencia
(Counter-interference), a website in support of the victims and their
families of
the 1976 terrorist bombing of a Cubana de Aviacion airliner in
Barbados, and in defence of the Cuban Five. He was also a contributor
to a number of other publications.
Upon learning of his untimely death, many colleagues
and friends wrote
tributes to Jean-Guy
and his work. Gabriel Molina, the editor of Granma International
who hired Jean-Guy
to work for that newspaper wrote that "It was so significant for us to
have found someone
who, despite not coming or arising from our ranks, constantly came to
our defense. [...]
Among those first pieces, I really liked the way he referred to the
murderer Luis Posada
Carriles and his henchmen, specifically the terrorist organization
which was under the
command of one of his agents-mercenaries, Santiago Álvarez
Fernández-Magriñá. Or the
attacks on national territory by the gang who, in their hasty flight,
left behind propaganda
leaflets and a flag with the name Alpha 66. And the indignation with
which he chronicled the
crimes of those paid assassins: 'The whole town was under fire. There
was not a single house
without bullet marks.'"
"His years with us at Granma International were happy ones,"
Molina wrote. "You
could tell he enjoyed the job which matched his ideals." Molina
highlighted his greetings, his
courageous articles, his natural kindness, his enthusiastic affection
for his country of origin and
toward Cuba.
The U.S.-Venezuelan writer, political commentator and
former
advisor to president Hugo Chávez, Eva Golinger, who co-authored
with Jean-Guy the book La Agresión Permanente: USAID, NED y
CIA, paid tribute to her friend and collaborator as a
journalist who was committed to truth, justice and ethics. He
had been threatened many times from Miami, but rather than
stopping him, she wrote, this only provided more encouragement
and reason for him to carry out the work he had taken up.
"Jean-Guy feared nothing. The hundreds of articles
published
under his name around the world contain powerful, substantiated
denunciations of the conspiracies, plans, actions and plots
against Cuba. His book, Posada Carriles, cuarenta años
de terror, published in Venezuela in 2006, is the
authoritative text on the history of Latin America's most
nefarious terrorist, protected today by the United States."
Golinger also makes mention of Jean-Guy's "stellar work
exposing supposed NGOs" that "behind a facade of defending human
rights or freedom of expression actually carry out subversion,
interference and destabilization."
David Urra, his collaborator on Contrainjerencia,
writes that
Jean-Guy arrived in Cuba as an experienced journalist and "had
the heart of one who felt the need to unmask those who hide
behind supposed freedom of the press to render meaningless the
right to be informed."
The radio station of the Bolivarian government of
Venezuela,
La Radio del Sur remembered Jean-Guy Allard as "a great fighter
committed to the Bolivarian revolution [who] always denounced the
interference of the United States against progressive governments
of the region such as those of Venezuela, Ecuador, Cuba,
Bolivia."
Books that Jean-Guy Allard wrote or co-authored include:
Le dossier Robert Ménard: pourquoi Reporters
sans
frontières (RSF) s'acharne sur Cuba (The Robert Menard
Dossier: Why Reporters Without Borders (RSF) Goes After Cuba) --
2004, with Marie-Dominique Bertuccioli
La filière terroriste du FBI (The FBI's
Terrorist Network) -- 2005
Posada Carriles, cuarenta años de terror
(Posada Carriles, Forty Years of Terror) -- 2006
Washington -- Miami: la conexión terrorista
del
FBI (Washington-Miami: The FBI's Terrorist Connection) --
2008
La Agresión Permanente: USAID, NED y CIA
(Permanent Aggression: USAID, NED and CIA) -- 2009, with Eva
Golinger
These works and Jean-Guy's many other writings on Cuba
are
living testimony to his commitment as a journalist to uncover the
crimes of the U.S. empire against Cuba, Venezuela and the world,
a contribution for which he will always be remembered.
Trudeau Government Escalates War
Preparations
Plans for Militarization of Arctic Under U.S. Control
- Enver Villamizar -
Click to enlarge.
|
In the final months of the Obama presidency
arrangements
are being put in place in Canada by the Trudeau government to
give the United States a dominant position in the Arctic. This is being
done in the name of so-called progressive values such as environmental
stewardship, reducing green house gas emissions and addressing the
longstanding social and economic problems which have affected the
peoples of the Arctic, especially the Inuit and other Indigenous
peoples. All of it is being done to depoliticize the people and
disorient their opposition to the destruction of the natural and social
environment by U.S. imperialism which will be stepped up under a new
U.S. war presidency.
On March 10, on the occasion of his visit to Washington,
Prime Minister Trudeau joined President Obama in announcing "a new
partnership for Arctic leadership." Its stated aim is to "embrace the
opportunities and to confront the challenges in the changing Arctic."
They claim that this will be done through "Indigenous and Northern
partnerships, and responsible, science-based leadership."
It comes at a
time when the United States holds the rotating chairmanship of the
Arctic Council (a two-year term which began April 24, 2015) and has
stepped-up its contention for control of the Arctic. It is taking place
in the context of the opening up of the Northwest Passage as a new
shipping route to and from Asia and the attempts of the U.S. to have
this route declared an international waterway in which it hopes its
military forces and shipping monoplies can do as they please. It is
also taking place amidst moves by the U.S. as well as Canada to lay
claim to the strategic resources in the Arctic, in particular those in
areas claimed by Russia. In this regard, the U.S. is also intent on
placing its aggressive missile defence systems (especially a new
generation of remote sensors to replace those of the Cold War period)
and U.S. forward operating bases in the Canadian Arctic. Much of this
also relates to bringing in new arrangements within the North American
Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD). Notably, on August 17 the commander
of NORAD, General Lori Robinson, visited NORAD's forwarding Operating
Location in Inuvik, North West Territories to become familiar with
"Canadian NORAD facilities" there.
Change from Harper-Era Strategy
The Harper government had open disagreements with the
particular interests represented by the Obama administration such as
following the 2006 federal election campaign when Stephen Harper
pounced on comments by David Wilkins, U.S. ambassador to Canada at the
time, who reaffirmed the long-standing assertion by the U.S. that the
Northwest Passage is an international strait through which
international shipping has the right of passage. Harper stated, "We
have significant plans for national defence and for defence of our
sovereignty, including Arctic sovereignty; it is the Canadian people we
get our mandate from, not the ambassador from the United States."
The Harper government made a big issue of visiting the
Arctic annually and promoting the establishment of military bases and
use of the Canadian Rangers in the Arctic. Annual exercises led by the
military called Operation Nanook were held. Now under the Trudeau
government a new arrangement is being put in place in concert with the
legacy President Obama is trying to cement. This includes aspects of
its missile defence program that it uses to track activities in Russia,
such as the same kind of sensors that the people of Korea are
resolutely opposing due to their aggressive nature and risk to the
natural environment.
What Is Being Said
Under the new partnership, the two countries are said
to be
focusing on four areas:
"- Conserving Arctic biodiversity through science-based
decision-making;
"- Incorporating Indigenous science [sic] and
traditional
knowledge
into decision-making;
"- Building a sustainable Arctic economy"
(This is described as including "shipping, fishing, and oil and
gas exploration and development"); and
"- Supporting strong Arctic communities" (According to
the two
leaders supporting strong Arctic communities is linked to trying
to assert their control over the Arctic. They state that "All
Indigenous Peoples in the Arctic are vital to strengthening and
supporting U.S. and Canadian sovereignty claims.")
The areas outlined in the new partnership almost
directly coincide with the Arctic Strategy of the Obama administration
released in 2013 through which the U.S. sought to assert its domination
in the Arctic in the name of preserving the environment, evidence-based
decision-making regarding the exploration and shipping of oil and gas,
as well as recognizing what they called Indigenous knowledge. This is
supposedly in contrast to the Bush administration's Arctic strategy
which openly spoke about the Arctic as being important for U.S.
national security interests, in particular the placement of its missile
defence bases and the free movement of its military in and under the
Arctic. Under the Obama administration's Arctic Strategy, the U.S.
continues to assert that the Arctic is vital to its national security
and in particular that it requires the freedom of movement of its
military forces in and under the Arctic. However, this is kept under
wraps and talk is all about conservation and environmentalism so as to
hide the militariziation taking place and increasing U.S. occupation.
In launching "the new partnership," the Trudeau
government seeks to ensure the free movement and control of the U.S.
military in the Canadian Arctic. This is what all the talk about
environmental stewardship is meant to hide.
Canada to Focus on Inuit
When speaking about "the new leadership model," Canada
emphasizes relations with the Inuit and other First Nations. On August
5, Indigenous and Northern Affairs Minister Carolyn Bennett
appointed Mary Simon, an Inuit leader, as the Minister's Special
Representative responsible for leading "an engagement" that "builds on
the commitments made in the U.S.-Canada Joint Statement on Climate,
Energy and Arctic Leadership" and providing advice on the development
of this new "shared Arctic leadership model."[1]
It appears Simon has been tasked with getting other
Inuit leaders to agree to allow the U.S. a bigger role in their
territories in return for addressing various concerns of the people who
live in the Arctic -- a tough sell indeed.[2]
Oppose U.S. Militarization of the Arctic!
Environmental
stewardship,
conservation
and
development
of
natural
resources
to
serve
the
people
who
live
in
the
Arctic
does
not
require
the
intervention
of
the
United States. In the experience of Canadians, the U.S. state
stands for nation-wrecking and war and talk about the environment is
for purposes of pursuing maximum profit for its monopolies in what are
called "green industries." The U.S. military is the biggest polluter in
the world: it willfully destroys the natural and social environment in
order to assert U.S. imperialist domination. The U.S. is an Arctic
country given its claims over Alaska; however, in the name of
environmental protection, it is now being handed a direct role on
Canadian territory without the Canadian people being given any say in
the matter.
Arctic
territories
are
occupied
by
the U.S. (Alaska), Canada, Denmark, Russia
and Greenland. The Inuit have lived there since time immemorial. They
have the right to decide what happens in their homeland. The Liberals
are entering into a "new leadership model" with the U.S. behind the
backs of the peoples of the Arctic who are supposed to accept such
arrangements after the fact through "an engagement." This will never
erase the right of the Inuit to decide what happens in their
territories.
Those
who
live
in
the
Arctic
are
not
favoured
by
the
U.S.
placing
its
missiles,
sensors
and
military
equipment
there
and
will
surely
not
accept it as a quid pro quo
for the building of roads, schools or hospitals or other infrastructure
they desperately require. They have resolutely opposed U.S.
imperialism's destructive role in their territories, including U.S.
ballistic missile testing, in the past. The same is bound to be the
case today if the U.S. attempts to place missile batteries or remote
sensors there.
Through
"engagements"
and
"consultations"
the
Liberal
government
is
trying
to
present
itself
as
having
a
better
approach
for
the
Arctic
and
First
Nations
across
Canada than the Harper government, which did not consult
or even try to get consent. The Liberals' approach however will not
give legitimacy to whatever the U.S. has planned. Embroiling those who
live in the Arctic in discussions on how to allow the U.S. to use their
territories for its own purposes is what the Liberals hope to achieve,
however they are bound to backfire.
Make Canada a Zone for Peace!
Peace-loving people stand against the militarization of
the
Arctic. Whether by Canadian or U.S. forces or both, militarizing
the territories claimed by Canada in the Arctic does not serve
the interests of those who live there, or the cause of peace
generally. It contributes to the destruction of the natural
environment and leads to further militarization and
contention -- the conditions for war. To claim as the Liberals are
doing that they can reconcile preserving the environment in the
Arctic with acceding to the U.S. demand that its military be
allowed to operate freely in the Arctic is a fraud worthy of
contempt.
Notes
1. Simon was the President of Inuit
Tapiriit Kanatami from 2006 to 2012.
She has held many significant positions for the Canadian
government and Inuit organizations. She has been President of
Makivik Corporation (a Land Claims Organization for Inuit of
Nunavik), President of the Inuit Circumpolar Council, Canadian
Ambassador for Circumpolar Affairs as well as to the Kingdom of
Denmark. Ms. Simon also led Canada's negotiations during the
creation of the eight-nation Arctic Council in the mid 1990s.
Simon is currently co-chair of Canadians for a New
Partnership. This group was established in 2014 and one of its
main spokespersons has been Paul Martin. It was set up before the
last federal election to make an issue of going back to the
program of more funding for First Nations and Inuit and raised as
concerns the unfairness of the treatment of First Nations and the
need for "equity." The organization's board is full of members of
the Order of Canada and key point people of the Canadian state
such as former Prime Ministers Paul Martin and Joe Clark and
Justice Frank Iacobucci. Its founder, Stephen Kakfwi, a former
premier of the Northwest Territories and president of the
Northwest Territories Dene Nation, said he created the
organization in response to watching the emergence of the Idle No
More movement. This shows the manner in which such groupings emerge out
of efforts by the ruling circles to undermine the independent political
movements of the people and divert them into giving up their own
initiatives in favour of
replacing "bad leaders" such as Harper, with so-called "good
leaders" such as Trudeau who are then called upon to be
"fair."
2. In her capacity as the Minister's Special
Representative, Simon is to meet with
territorial
governments, Indigenous governments and First Nations, Inuit and
Métis representative organizations, land claim organizations and
co-management boards, non-governmental organizations, youth and
youth representative organizations, scientists (e.g., marine,
climate), researchers and research organizations and industry.
She is to support a "collaborative approach" to advancing a
shared Arctic leadership model. Her mandate states, "Given
the constitutional standing of comprehensive land claim
agreements (treaties), engagement with land claims organizations
will be central to this process." In this case it may well be
about getting Inuit to give up or "modernize" their land claims
so as to facilitate a "collaborative approach" --
which is to say provide a place for the U.S. in the Canadian
Arctic.
Reject Neo-Liberal Ideological Assault
Finding Something Magical about Private
Ownership and Control
of Social Property
- K.C. Adams -
Ideological pressure on the people from the ruling
imperialist elite is constant. Their star performers, one could
say their celebrity ideologues, are constantly paraded on
television, newspapers, magazines and the Internet.
A common method of the star performers is to present
concepts
as unchangeable universal values. A concept is repeated as
unassailable giving it a mystical or magical quality. In this way
the concept becomes a quasi-religious dogma that cannot be
analyzed or assessed in itself or in its relation with the
material world because it is irrefutable and accepted on faith
with the power of the sincerity or celebrity of the personage or
state-organized force promoting and repeating it again and
again.
A concept is presented as an article of faith, almost
divine
in nature. As such, it cannot be analyzed in itself or examined
in relation to other phenomena. The people are encouraged either
to believe and have faith in a concept's magical powers and the
sincerity of the state-sponsored celebrity and accept it without
question or oppose it with another article of faith backed by
another or competing celebrity ideologue. For the ruling elite,
the issue is to have a fight amongst their star performers and
their articles of faith, often presented as duelling policy
objectives of the cartel political parties or disputes between
the left and right wings of the ruling elite. Not allowed is
human-centred scientific analysis and thinking, which examines
the problems facing the economy, political process and country
with objectivity of consideration.
For the ruling elite, the target of the ideological
pressure
is the working class, the continued seizure of the social wealth
workers produce and to promote and maintain class privilege as a
necessity of society. To accomplish this they need to convince
themselves of the rightness of their ownership and control of
social property and to keep the working
class from developing its own thinking and theory. The ruling
elite are so stuck in outmoded capital-centred thinking that they
imagine all problems the economy and politics face can be fixed
by reducing the claim of the working people on the social wealth
they produce, increasing the amount that flows to the rich and
consolidating their class privilege and hold on political power
by depriving the working class of its independent organizing,
thinking and theory.
An example of a concept that puts ideological pressure
on the
people is the dogmatic faith of many celebrities in the magical
power of private ownership of social property. The concept is
presented as a universal value, an assertion that when people own
social property directly, they have an interest in its value and
tend to take better care of it, in contrast with state ownership
where no one cares about the asset or property.
From this mental construct, the celebrity ideologue
builds a
case for the anti-social offensive, including privatization of
public assets and the continued private ownership and control of
social wealth and property despite evidence that such ownership
and control along with its corresponding aim for private profit
give rise to intractable problems and are in contradiction with
the social interconnected nature of socialized forces of
industrial mass production. The celebrity promotes the mental
construct regardless of whether it has anything to do with a problem
in the economy or some other issue the people and country are
facing. The point is to take people away from viewing the world
as it presents itself, as material that can be analyzed in itself
and in its relationships with other material within a historical
context. The people are meant to marvel at the celebrity
ideologue's brilliant dogma and slick presentation and not
analyze and think about the economy for themselves.
Calls for private control and ownership of all public
property are meant to destroy public social programs and services
so that owners of social wealth can take them over as private
enterprise. The new owners of the hospitals, schools and other
privatized public property will then increase their claim on
social wealth and force people to claim less and to pay for
everything in user fees regardless of an individual's
circumstances.
Experience in all countries has shown that private
schools
and hospitals are too narrow in their aim to guarantee the modern
right of health care and education for all. It may sound
simplistic, but to guarantee the rights of all, the broad aim
must be to guarantee rights and not some other aim to serve
narrow private interests. Once the aim is set to guarantee the
rights of all, the problem becomes how to fulfil that broad aim
in the best possible manner. Once the aim is set to make private
profit for a few in contradiction with the broad aim to guarantee
the rights of all, the problem becomes how to fulfil the narrow
aim.
User fees are now ubiquitous. People are nickel and
dimed to
death with fees for everything from "road pricing," bridge tolls,
public park fees, education fees, daycare fees, after-school fees
for recreation and sports programs, post-secondary education
fees, high mass transit prices to park fees etc.
"Fend for yourself" and private charities have
supplanted any
concept of society, a government of laws, social love and
solidarity or resolve to curtail class privilege and monopoly
right and guarantee the rights of all. "Might makes right"
through the power of social wealth in private hands and state
police power to protect and serve class privilege, the status quo
and the imperialist system of states.
The ruling elite and their celebrity ideologues deny
and
trample on the modern principle that people have rights by virtue
of being human. They openly call for the suppression of the
working class movement and any effort to open a path forward to
modern socialized relations of production in conformity with the
modern socialized productive forces of industrial mass
production. No concrete analyses are allowed in the public domain
to explain, deal with and resolve the pressing problems of
recurring economic crises and predatory and inter-imperialist
wars. The celebrity ideologues spout empty platitudes and calls
to arms to serve and protect the class privilege of those who own
and control the social wealth the working class produces.
Disappearing the Working Class
For the celebrity ideologues, the actual producers of
the
social property owned privately or by the state are dismissed or
simply not accounted for as important. The "something" owned
privately or by the state has no origin, no coming into being
through work, no materiality and no historical context wherein
the relations of production could be analyzed. The social
property owned privately or by the state exists inside their
brains as an imaginary concept outside space and time, and that
suits the ruling elite just fine because the last thing they want
analyzed is the economy and its social class relations in the
production, distribution and consumption of goods and services.
They want the producers of all social property, the working
class, to disappear from any discussion of the economy, property,
ownership, politics, rights, duties, motivation or relations of
production. In capital-centred ideology workers exist only
negatively, as costs to social property and a drain on the value
that private owners hold so dear, which ironically is the social
wealth workers produce through their collective work and which
does not exist without them and their work-time on the socialized
productive forces.
The celebrity ideologues disappear the working class
and
present their anti-social concepts with impunity in writing,
television and elsewhere because they have the backing of the
imperialist state. Their universal eternal values are neither
concretized in the material world nor do they exist within a historical
context. The ruling elite do not want their mental constructs
challenged with an analysis of the world as it presents itself
that contradicts the dominant ruling ideology.
In the Fantastic World of the Celebrity Ideologues, the
Actual Producers of Social Property Have No Say in Its Ownership
or Control or What Motivation or Relations Conform to Modern
Social Production
For example, according to the celebrity ideologues'
mental construct,
the
steelworkers do not care for the productive forces on which they
produce steel or the broad
steel sector in general, as they do not own the mills or the social
wealth they produce,
regardless whether the steel mill is owned privately or publicly
through the state. According
to their dogma, the only people who care for the steel mill are
individuals who own the mill,
and because of private ownership those individuals, as the celebrity
ideologue says "have an
interest in its value and tend to take better care of it."
Is this true? Do those who own the former Stelco mill in
Hamilton take
better care of it? Is
this how today's world of ownership of social property presents itself
or is such thinking
really off in some magical world of their own mental construction,
spinning ideas out of ideas
to suit a preconceived notion? Perhaps they should journey to Hamilton
and investigate the
private ownership of Stelco during the twenty-first century and analyze
and judge
scientifically with objectivity of consideration whether the various
people who have owned
Stelco have had and continue to have an interest in its value and
consequently tend to take
better care of it or have any interest in the Canadian steel sector and
all the factors and
infrastructure necessary for it to thrive or at least give it some
stability. Broadly speaking, the
former owners and now U.S. Steel have had a singular interest to wreck
Stelco in ways that
serve their narrow private interests and certainly not in ways to take
care of and renew it with
investments and solve the problems facing the company, steel industry
and economy
generally.
Every private owner of Stelco has presented its problems
in the most
self-serving manner to
deflect from analyzing and resolving the real problems that require
real solutions. The
monopoly owners present the problems in two ways both of which are
false.
First, they accuse the actual producers, the
steelworkers, of claiming
too much value from the
new value they produce, as present workers in wages and retired workers
in pensions. This
problem of claims on the value of steel production has nothing to do
with the actual
production of steel, the organization of the steel industry and its
role in the economy. The
problem of claims on the new value of production is found in the
relations between employer
and employee and with the distribution of the new value derived from
steel production
between the two social forces. A change in how the new value is
distributed between the two
social forces does not resolve in the present the problems of steel
production, the industry
generally and its role in the economy. The claims of steelworkers could
be reduced to a
minimum wage with no pensions or benefits and the problems of the
sector would still remain
with recurring crises and constant instability.
Secondly, the owners accuse other steel producers in
Canada,
the U.S. and abroad of producing too much steel and flooding the
available markets. One of the reasons U.S. Steel had in buying
Stelco in 2007 was to eliminate it as a competitor and to
eliminate much of its productive capacity, which it has done.
This was done under the plea of too much production of steel
everywhere causing prices to fall and leaving steel unsold or
mills not producing.
This accusation of too much steel is false and cannot
be
taken seriously. Where in any country in the world is the need
for steel not higher than ever in history and much greater than
the capacity to produce steel? Certainly not Canada, where the
need for steel is enormous and generally unfilled domestically.
What city in Canada does not need steel to house the people, to
rebuild manufacturing and infrastructure? The problem is not too
much steel or any other social product but the inability of the
ruling elite and the market economy to handle the immense
productive capacity of socialized industrial mass production. The
concern of those who own and control the socialized means of production
is not the social product and how it can meet the needs of
the people and economy but how to turn the social product into
social wealth as money for themselves. Whether the social product
is needed or not is irrelevant to the ruling elite who consider only
how to
turn the social product into social wealth as money in their
hands.
The fact that the economy, as presently constituted and
divided into social classes with outmoded relations of
production, does not have the capability to turn the actual and
potential social product into social wealth as money and
therefore becomes "too much social product" and "too much
capacity to produce social product" is not presented as a problem
to be taken up and resolved. Why not, the working people may ask?
Because the resolution of the problem entails curtailing monopoly
right to control the economy, it entails bringing a different aim
and direction to the economy and establishing modern relations of
production in conformity with the modern forces of
production.
Rather than the current aim of those who own and control
competing parts of the economy of turning social product into
social wealth as money through the marketplace and squeezing from
it the greatest claim possible in increasingly dictatorial,
destructive and parasitic ways, the working people are challenged
by history to organize and bring into being a new aim.
A new aim
for the economy would be to produce social product to meet the
needs of the people, economy and society, to harness the full
power of the socialized productive forces of industrial mass
production to guarantee the rights of all.
A first step in that
struggle is to curtail monopoly right of its dictate over the
current state of affairs. Free from monopoly dictate, another
step is to look at the steel sector and economy as an integral
whole with all its diverse but necessary parts from raw material
to finished steel product and all the attendant social and
material infrastructure functioning together and in harmony with
those sectors and enterprises that require steel for the
production of means of production or articles of consumption.
Such a step in the steel sector would mean reducing the
power
of private ownership and investment to one of an annual claim on
the total investment determined through a percentage, an average
rate of profit, within the price of production. The investment
would be separate from the production process and without control
over production, prices and the wholesale distribution of the
social product. This would require a public authority accountable
to the people to oversee production, the determination of prices
of production and the apparent domestic demand and wholesale
distribution of steel, and its import and export.
Current Private Ownership and Control of Parts of the
Economy Does Not Work
Owners in today's monopoly-controlled economy are
mostly not
located where the productive forces exist, and in terms of the
investment usually two or three times removed. Except for small
and some medium-sized companies, the enterprises of today are not
owned directly. They are owned through trusts, holding companies,
stocks, bonds and derivatives, and various other enterprises of
the financial oligarchy, which together can be characterized as Social
Wealth
Controlling
Funds. (See item "Control
and Ownership of Monopolies"
detailing the
ownership of U.S. Steel in TML Daily, May 5, 2016 available here.
Owners from the financial oligarchy are driven to
protect
and enlarge the portion of social wealth they own in this and
that enterprise, and if this entails destroying particular
productive forces, they will oblige. Their goal is not
production, enhancing the productive forces or bringing security
and stability to the local, regional or national economy but
seizing a derivative of production as social wealth in money.
Steel as use-value is not their aim. They only want steel as
exchange-value, money. Usually the closest an owner from
the financial oligarchy gets to the means of production is
clipping a dividend coupon, cashing an interest payment or
reading a short synopsis of a quarterly financial report.
The ideological construct -- when people own
something
directly, and have an interest in its value, they tend to take
better care of it -- is misleading in an economy the
financial oligarchy dominate. It conjures up a romantic vision of
ownership of the material productive forces from the early period of
the
transition from petty to socialized industrial mass production
when a single capitalist owner would sacrifice his own personal
life and comfort to put his claim on added-value back into the
enterprise he owned. The monopolies of today are privately owned
but not usually directly but rather indirectly-owned through Social
Wealth Controlling Funds.
Private ownership of monopolies cannot be considered
direct
in the sense of a small family business. Monopoly ownership
presents itself as negative and even destructive in many ways.
Monopoly ownership representing private interests comes into
contradiction with the interrelated socialized nature of modern
productive forces. The problems facing a particular enterprise
are related to the economy as a whole and require social
solutions not just ones that may appear on the surface to be
peculiar to a certain enterprise.
Either the private interests are not interested in
social
solutions unless they serve their narrow private interests for a
claim on social wealth or they are not in a position to enact or
enforce social solutions because cooperation amongst competitors
and with other broad sectors is lacking. But usually, the
solutions to real problems in the economy require restricting
monopoly right to serve the public interest, and the financial
oligarchy refuses even to discuss such a possibility.
As stated, the aim of the owners of parts of the
economy is
their claim on social wealth as money, a derivative of social
product, and not its production either as goods or services.
Their attention and concern is to generate and make the greatest
possible claim on social wealth as money including fleecing
others without going through the hassle of producing and selling
social product. Parasitic schemes to seize already-produced value
are now so numerous they dominate the imperialist economy with
trillions of dollars changing hands electronically, which does
not involve any new production. The parasitism and decay of those
who control social wealth constantly encroach on and disrupt the
actual production of goods and services. The parasitic schemes
are accompanied with pay-the-rich schemes for the monopolies
using public funds, including outright grants, loans, waiving of
fees and taxes, and public-private-partnerships. Other
state-organized programs for the monopolies are guaranteed
government contracts for public services, pharmaceuticals,
medical and hospital supplies and military and police weapons and
even the prison system in the U.S.
The private ownership of monopolies is mostly second or
third
hand. In the minds of the distant ownership, the actual problems
of a local facility are of no consequence; they are left to a
hired local executive manager but that manager has no power over
major investment or other decisions. The real problems for the
financial oligarchy are found in amassing social wealth, mostly
as money but also as social property, and empire-building. The
private owners are removed from the enterprise they own to the
extent that its continued existence through reinvestment of the
social wealth workers produce is often rejected because the
social wealth is needed elsewhere in the monopoly empire or losses
somewhere in their global empire require social wealth
from the particular enterprise to be drained away.
Essar Steel Algoma is an example of a local enterprise
suffering from problems and losses elsewhere in the Essar Global
Fund's empire, in addition to the problems of the Canadian steel
sector. Essar Global's construction of an iron ore mine nearby in
Minnesota has drained billions of dollars from Essar and now is
the subject of a Chapter 11 bankruptcy and huge dogfight with a
competing U.S. iron ore monopoly Cliffs Natural Resources, which
even went so far as to cut off iron pellet supplies to the Algoma
steel mill.
The problems at the former Stelco (U.S. Steel Canada)
steelworks in the Hamilton region and at Algoma (Essar) Steel in
Sault Ste. Marie are not found in the facilities themselves other
than they need renewal through reinvestment. The problems are
found in the Canadian steel industry itself and its manipulation
by global empire-builders to serve their private interests.
Canadian steel production and distribution need a national
direction to control prices and supply and demand. The problems
require broad pro-social solutions serving nation-building but
they come into conflict with the narrow private monopoly
interests of the ownership groups serving empire-building. The
problems need analysis and real solutions across the broad
interrelated socialized economy. They cannot be solved by
repeating ideological dogma such as "only private owners are
interested in the facility." The dogma serves no useful purpose
in solving problems and is outmoded in its essence. Such dogma
serves private monopoly interests for empire-building in
opposition to nation-building, the working class and the public
interest.
In the case at Stelco, steelworkers have worked out
various
alternatives as solutions to the problems in the steel sector,
which do not fit into the dogma of the celebrity ideologues.
Importantly, the solutions workers propose arise from the actual
producers themselves and their analysis of the concrete
conditions. They do not start from pre-conceived dogma but from
how the situation at U.S. Steel-controlled Stelco, the steel
sector and the interrelated economy presents itself. From there,
an analysis and solutions have been developed to open a path
forward but the pro-social alternatives of the steelworkers have
been denied public space to build public opinion and support, and
therein lies an obstacle the working class must overcome.
The prejudices and dogma of the celebrity ideologues,
together with the power of the state and mass media, overrule
pro-social alternatives that do not fit neatly into their mental
constructs. A celebrity ideologue's dogma can be thrown into any
article or TV show to disrupt and stop the development of
thinking and analysis of the material world. A recent example is
a star professor in Hamilton who denounced as a "publicity stunt" USW
Local 1005's call for a public inquiry into the steel sector and
the destructive use of the Companies'
Creditors
Arrangement
Act
against steelworkers, the public interest and the solving of any
problems.
The ruling elite through the state and control of the
mass
media deny public space for analysis of concrete conditions and
discussion of pro-social alternatives. The working class movement
is faced with the necessity of building its own media if it hopes
to break through the ruling elite's control and domination of
public opinion and the direction of the economy.
State Ownership and Private Ownership
Within the celebrity ideologues' construct, they often
use a
straw man to generalize private ownership as superior to state
ownership. They contrast private ownership with state ownership
but not in itself and in its relation to the social class forces
at work -- the actual producers of a particular historical
context -- but abstractly as an assertion without
materiality in time and space and without concrete analysis.
They attribute people's sentiment and motivation
towards
property and productive forces, although mostly unmentioned,
according to whether the state or individuals own the social
property. The contrast of ownership and sentiment of certain
individuals towards property are presented outside any historical
materialism and specifically without any context of relations of
production, such as serf and landlord, slave and slave-owner or
in the modern context of workers and those who own and control
social property, the ruling elite of the financial oligarchy.
What Kind of State Do the Celebrity Ideologues Talk
About?
Celebrity ideologues mostly speak in broad terms
outside a
historical context. They often assert in various ways that when
the state owns something, no one has an interest in its value or
takes care of it. Is this statement factually correct in today's
world or historically for that matter during other periods of
relations of production when different social classes were
dominant? Why would a state under the control of a social class
build something, if no person or social class cared about its
value or bothered to take care of it? What would be the point of
building it? The state exists in a specific historical context of
social classes, productive forces and relations of production.
The state serves a particular social class or classes during its
existence generally to assert their domination over another
social class or classes and other states or peoples.
The state is the organized force to maintain control
and
domination of the ruling class during a particular historical
period. Members of the ruling class care very deeply about their
state and what the state owns and they ensure both human and
material resources are mobilized to build and take care of the
state and its property and assets. The most important asset of
the state is its armed forces and the property and assets of
their standing army and reserves. The ruling class cares very
deeply about the human and material resources of their armed
forces because the military, or police power, is the main weapon
to maintain its domination over internal class forces they
exploit and against external forces it may want to conquer or
from whom it may wish to seize their territory and property.
The U.S. imperialist state claims
$650 billion annually
from
the economy to finance its armed forces, which are stationed
throughout the world waging predatory wars to expand its Empire,
suppress the nation-building projects of others and plunder their
wealth and to compete and collude with others within the
imperialist system of states. The U.S. military, spy agencies and
police forces are organized to suppress the U.S. working class
and prevent it from developing its own nation-building project in
opposition to U.S. imperialism.
The U.S. ruling elite care very deeply about their
state, in
particular the military, to the point they force members of the
country, especially the youth, to swear allegiance daily to the
military and imperialist state. The ruling elite stage elaborate
patriotic exercises to brainwash the youth into becoming cannon
fodder in their predatory wars and not question the role of the
U.S. state and its institutions as the greatest weapon of the
financial oligarchy to perpetuate its violent class rule and
suppress the peoples of the world from opening a path
forward.
To suggest as the celebrity ideologues do with their
mental
constructs that no one or social force gives a damn about the
U.S. state institutions and enterprises is ridiculous and utterly
wrong. First and foremost, the U.S. ruling elite care deeply
about their imperialist state and its public enterprises and
institutions. They use the power of their state to expand their
imperialist system of states throughout the world, to enrich
themselves with tribute forced to flow into their coffers and to
deprive the peoples everywhere including within the U.S. of their
right to build a modern state with socialized relations of
production in conformity with the modern conditions of an
interrelated socialized economy based on industrial mass
production.
The care of the ruling class for state property goes
well
beyond the military, spy agencies and general police power. For
example, the Anglo-Canadian ruling elite at various stages around
the end of the nineteenth century and during the twentieth built
publicly-owned hydro-electric companies throughout the country.
These state-owned enterprises ensured abundant cheap electrical
power for modern industrial mass production, commercial
development and the expansion of cities. The ruling elite have
long considered the Quebec, Ontario, BC and other state-owned
hydro companies as excellent in serving their private interests
and nation-building. Other examples of state enterprises engaged
in nation-building are the post office, national airlines,
railroads and all manner of material and social
infrastructure.
State Ownership and Control Has Profound Meaning
Celebrity ideologues use the term "state" very loosely
and
fraudulently. Someone owns and controls the institutions and
enterprises of the state. A public authority, representing those
who dominate the state, exercises ownership and control over its
institutions. The ruling elite derive benefit from those
institutions and enterprises. The classic slave-owners of ancient
Egypt held great pride in the value their slaves produced for the
state such as the pyramids.
Celebrity ideologues suggest that the ruling class of
Canada, who own and control the institutions and enterprises of
the state as well as their own private property, do not give a
damn about their value; that no one cares about the value of the
state property. This suggestion flies in the face of the reality
that a state represents and defends the interests of particular
social classes. The foundation of the Canadian state is the
dictatorship of the financial oligarchy over the producers of
social wealth and property, the working class. The Canadian state
defends and perpetuates the rule of the financial oligarchy, who
own and control social wealth and property, and its integration
within the U.S.-led imperialist system of states.
The construct of the celebrity ideologues finding
something
magical in private ownership of social property is aimed in part
at disarming the working class in modern Canada who work either
for privately-owned or state-owned enterprises. The construct
obscures workers' relationship with those who own and control the
workplace and buy workers' capacity to work.
Whether those in control own the socialized productive
force
privately or publicly through the imperialist state bears little
influence on the relationship of workers with those to whom they
sell their capacity to work. The relationship at the place of
work is governed by the fundamental laws of the capitalist system
where those who own and control social wealth and property are
bound within an antagonistic dialectical social relation with
those who sell their capacity to work. The social relation capital
is a dialectic based on the thesis, those
who own
and control the socialized productive force, the capitalist class,
exploiting the antithesis, the working class.
The antithesis sells its capacity to work to the thesis
as
exchange-value, and the thesis consumes the capacity to work as
use-value by putting it to work on the socialized productive
force it owns and controls either privately or publicly through
the state. The new value produced by the use-value of the
antithesis working on the socialized productive force owned and
controlled by the thesis is greater than the exchange-value paid
for the capacity to work of the antithesis. The difference is the
added-value, the profit seized by the thesis, those who own and
control the productive force, whether privately or publicly
through the state such as Canada Post. The social relation capital
is held together and kept in place with the
dictatorship of the financial oligarchy, the Canadian state and
its institutions.
The struggle to control the socialized material
productive
forces,
whether owned privately or publicly through the state, is at the
heart of the class battle within the social relation capital
between the financial oligarchy and the
working
class. The struggle is not over private or state ownership of the
material productive forces but over which social class within the
social
relation controls the use-value of the antithesis, the working
class, and controls the socialized productive forces on which the
antithesis works. For the working class to be victorious in the
class struggle to control its capacity to work, its use-value,
the working class must break free from the dialectical social
relation capital and emerge as a new working class, a
synthesis, in control of the socialized productive forces and its
own new state.
All enterprises in modern Canada both private and
public
consist of social property the working class has produced. The
main issue facing the working class is to gain control over the
social property it has produced and on which it works and
produces new social wealth; to gain the power to deprive the
thesis, those who own and control the socialized material productive
forces, of its ability to exploit and oppress the antithesis, and
through the power to deprive emerge out of the social relation as
a synthesis, a new working class with its own state. How to open
a path forward to achieve that goal requires great wisdom,
organization and powers of analysis, not dogma whether it comes
from celebrity ideologues or others.
Workers Do Their Best with the World into which They
Are
Born
The working class inherits the social relations, means
of production, state and thought material of the previous generation.
Workers learn through participation in the struggle for
production, scientific experimentation and class struggle that
something is not right with the country, in particular their
relations with their employers. They sell their capacity to work
and through their work produce the social wealth and property,
the goods and services society needs for its existence yet do not
receive in return a guarantee of security and well-being from
birth to passing away. The prevailing social relations leave them
without a say or control over the socialized productive forces,
what they produce and its distribution. The social relations
deprive the working class of control over the political, economic
and social affairs that directly affect their lives and without
the ability to solve society's many problems and open a path
forward. The root issue workers face does not lie with the modern
productive forces, whether their means of production are privately or
publicly owned, but with
the outmoded relations of production that do not conform with the
interrelated socialized economy and its productive forces, an
absence which deprives the actual producers of control over their
means of production, the social product they produce and the
ability to harness the power and enormous capacity of socialized
industrial mass production to produce effectively without crises
and interruption to meet the needs of society and the people and
guarantee their security and well-being throughout their
lives.
Workers want the best for the productive forces where
they
work whether privately or publicly owned. They want the public
interest served and for nation-building to march forward. But
they come up against a financial oligarchy that cares only for
its narrow private interests and empire-building within the
U.S.-led imperialist system of states.
According to a value construct of the ruling elite, the
workers do not care for or value the means of production where they
work. For the celebrity ideologues, the only individuals who care
about the material productive forces are those who directly own them.
Workers in both the private and public sectors would vigorously
disagree especially now during the anti-social offensive when
monopoly right and empire-building have unleashed extensive
wrecking of the productive forces, both public and private, under
the reactionary banner of making our monopolies competitive and
number one in the world. The truth of the situation is that the
working class is blocked in its desire to develop and improve the
productive forces and have them work collectively for all the
people and general interests of society.
The mental construct of the celebrity ideologues
suggests
that nurses, teachers, postal workers and others in the public
sector could care less about the productive forces where they
work, and Canadians generally do not give a damn about their
public schools, hospitals and other social property owned by the
state.
Most public sector workers would vehemently disagree,
such as
teachers who point out that their working conditions, which
include the buildings and tools of teaching, are the learning
conditions of students. Education workers care passionately about
the conditions at their workplace. They have been in the
forefront of defending the right to education for all at the
highest levels against the neoliberal wrecking and attacks, and
would like nothing better than to have more control over those
conditions to improve them with increased investments.
The financial oligarchy deprive public sector workers
from
exercising control over the social programs and public services
where they work especially how much social wealth should be
reinvested in their sectors and how the value they produce should
be realized (exchanged) with value produced in other sectors and
enterprises in the economy.
Workers in the private sector generally hold this
sentiment
just as strongly although their situation presents itself
differently. The common thread is that workers care very deeply
about the productive forces because they are the material basis
for their survival and the well-being of the people and society.
Without modern socialized means of production the standard of
living would be considerably lower. Steelworkers would like
nothing better than to have owners of their steelworks, private
or public, who actually care in practice about the productive
forces and ensure that the facilities are constantly renewed with
investments from the social wealth workers produce and that
problems in the sector and economy are properly addressed in a
broad pro-social manner.
If steelworkers met with these celebrity ideologues,
they
would tell them and show them with convincing facts that the
owners of Stelco and Algoma in today's world consider the
productive facilities and workers as mere pawns to be routinely
sacrificed for the greater good of their empire-building and
narrow private interests. Those who own and control the
steelworks do not value them for their productive capacity in
nation-building. If they did, they would defend them as precious
assets and ensure they were constantly renewed with investments
and do everything possible to solve the problems in the sector
and economy generally. They would view the existence of the
steelworks and the human factor as critical within the Canadian
economy, which means broad interrelated problems such as pricing,
supply and demand and the development of the material and social
infrastructure are interconnected with the steelworks and all
depend on each other for their security and well-being.
In other words, the problems
of the steelworks are not
private matters affecting the private interests of those who own
particular means of production but public matters and social
problems affecting the broad economy and nation-building. They
must be addressed as public social problems of nation-building
and necessary to resolve in the public interest. But those who
own and control the steelworks at various times are fixated on
their narrow private interests and view the workers and steel
competitors as enemies to be crushed. They refuse to recognize
the means of production as social property and interrelated with
the well-being and stability of the entire economy, with the
necessity of the whole being addressed in a broad public way.
They refuse to recognize the rights of the human factor without
which no modern society can be built and no modern relations of
production can be developed, not even any equilibrium in the
present within the social relation between the working class and
those who own and control the socialized means of production.
The celebrity ideologues want to embroil the working
class
and its allies in diversionary nonsense over private ownership
versus state ownership because such a discussion has nothing to
do with the concrete conditions in Canada today, and nothing to
do with solving problems in the modern economy and moving
nation-building forward. The ruling imperialist elite do not want
the working class developing its capacity to analyze the concrete
conditions as they present themselves objectively and
subjectively. They deprive the working class of its right to
enhance its thinking through conscious participation in finding a
way forward to complete the transition from petty production,
medieval autocracy, and the outmoded social relations to
socialized industrial mass production and modern relations of
production where the actual producers control production in
conformity with the modern socialized conditions, bring stability
to the whole overcoming the recurring crises that are a feature
of the present transitional period and empower themselves
politically in a democracy and state of their own making.
The working class is gaining the capacity and
willingness to
denounce the nonsense and prejudices of the ruling elite, and in
doing so come to depend on its own organizations, wisdom and
scientific power of analysis. The dogma of celebrity ideologues
and others in the service of those who own and control the
socialized means of production is meant to stop the people led by
the working class from developing modern theory to guide actions
and relations in the modern world of socialized industrial mass
production.
The capital-centred thinking exalting private ownership
and
control of social property leads nowhere and is totally
unsuitable in the modern conditions. Modern thinking and theory
must be developed that reflects the changed conditions in the way
people work and live. The old prejudices and dogmas from the
previous era of petty production and autocratic rule play an
extremely negative role in today's world. They must and can be
rejected and replaced with a new direction.
Notes
1. Another area of discussion, which
celebrity ideologues dismiss with their dogma, would go into the
relationship between social responsibility of the state towards
its members and the productive forces, and the social duty of the
members of society towards the state and its productive forces
and the work they must perform to produce and reproduce social
wealth and maintain and increase its value. If the productive
forces and resources of the country were organized and mobilized
to defend the rights of all and their well-being from birth to
passing away, the members of that society would gladly and
enthusiastically uphold their social responsibility to work to
produce the social wealth that serves as the material basis for
their rights and well-being. In doing so, the motivation to work
would change from one of being forced to sell their capacity to
work to survive, to one of work as the necessary factor to
guarantee their rights and the rights of all from birth to
passing away. This would recognize the necessity to empower the
actual producers to control the productive forces and the social
wealth they produce and to participate consciously in all aspects
of nation-building especially politics.
2. Perhaps the working class should not judge celebrity
ideologues so
harshly. Maybe what
they really mean by saying "when people own something directly, and
have an interest in its
value, they tend to take better care of it" is that the actual
producers, the working class,
should own and control the means of production on which they work. In
that way, the
working class would be both the producers of all social property and
those who own and
control it. The problem for the working class is how to organize to
deprive the financial
oligarchy and their flunkies of the power of their prejudices on the
people's thinking and
theory, and deprive the ruling imperialist elite of the dictatorship
they exercise over the people
through ownership and control of social property and the state.
PREVIOUS
ISSUES | HOME
Website: www.cpcml.ca
Email: editor@cpcml.ca
|