June 1, 2017
Quebec Government Adopts Back-to-Work
Legislation
to Smash Construction Workers' Strike
Step Up the Struggle to Defend the
Rights
of Workers and the Rights of All
PDF
Construction workers demonstrate outside National Assembly in Quebec
City, May 29, 2017. (FTQ)
Quebec
Government
Adopts
Back-to-Work
Legislation
to
Smash
Construction Workers' Strike
• Step Up the Struggle to Defend the
Rights of Workers and the Rights of All
• State Interference in Favour of Employers
• Finding Practical Solutions and Mechanisms
to Ensure Workers Can Exercise Their Rights Without State Repression
- Richard
Goyette, Social Justice Lawyer and Former Executive Director,
FTQ-Construction
Consequences of Trade War in Forestry Industry
• U.S. Empire Seizes Tembec Inc.
• Further Concentration of Social Wealth and
Control in the Forestry Sector
Quebec Government Adopts Back-to-Work
Legislation to
Smash Construction Workers' Strike
Step Up the Struggle to Defend the Rights
of
Workers and the Rights of All
National Assembly, Quebec City, May 29, 2017.
At 3:00 am on May 30, the Quebec government
passed back-to-work
legislation ordering Quebec construction workers back to work.
Bill 142, An Act to ensure the resumption of work in the
construction industry
and the settlement of disputes for the renewal of the collective
agreements was passed by a vote
of 76 for, 21 against. Members of the Liberal Party and the
Coalition
Avenir Québec voted in favour, while the Parti
Québécois, which itself
passed back-to-work legislation against construction workers
in 2013,
and Québec solidaire voted against.
Construction workers strongly protested the legislation
the day it
was tabled in the National Assembly with placards and slogans
denouncing dictatorship in lieu of labour relations. The Construction
Trade Union Alliance announced that it is considering a lawsuit to
challenge the legislation as unconstitutional. Many unions have
denounced the
legislation, declaring it an unacceptable and illegal attack on
workers' rights to fight for their demands and negotiate their
conditions.
The legislation forced all construction workers to
return
to work on May 31, under penalty
of severe fines for individual workers, trade union representatives and
trade unions who pursue the strike or slow down work on the
construction sites. It decrees a salary increase of 1.8
percent until a new agreement is reached, which is well below union
demands and even below the employers' last offer. The legislation
creates a fraudulent "bargaining space," which is negated by the
strikebreaking law itself and the fact that workers are denied the
legal right to strike and exercise pressure tactics against employers.
The
"bargaining space" is in fact imposed mediation and then arbitration.
The Labour Minister has given herself the power to determine which
matters will be submitted to the arbitrator and to set the criteria for
the arbitrator's decision, including so-called "flexibility of work
organization" -- a euphemism for the even greater destabilization of
construction workers' work schedules and life. The struggle against
this destabilization was at the heart of the construction workers'
strike and this is what the government is targeting.
The Couillard government spokespersons threw every
possible insult at construction workers during the so-called debate in
the National Assembly, declaring that their strike in defence of their
rights was causing "social harm" to the people and even to the flood
victims who are waiting for their new homes. This despicable attempt to
destroy public opinion in favour of the construction workers struggling
for conditions that meet their health and safety needs and for peace of
mind at work and stability in their lives is unacceptable and must not
pass. It is also a despicable way of diverting attention from the
government's own responsibility in these disasters for the lack of
preventive measures and its insistence on the privatization of
government services, leaving emergency responders to fend for
themselves.
The fraudulent parliamentary debate was also an
opportunity to
declare that "reform of the bargaining system" is needed for
construction workers, which means reforming the law to incorporate a
ban on strikes in the construction industry under the guise of a
"bargaining space" under the direction of the state, making negotiation
illegal or
impossible. The government is using this legislation as transitional
legislation so that any effective struggle of construction workers to
negotiate their conditions and have their say and control over their
working conditions and their lives is made illegal for all intents and
purposes. It must not pass!
State attacks on workers' rights and the rights of all
are
intensifying to subjugate the workers and people to the dictate of
private oligopolies. The struggle for the rights of workers and the
rights of all is also intensifying by together defending those who are
attacked and depriving the ruling elite of its power to deprive the
people of their
rights.
State Interference in Favour of Employers
Montreal, May 24, 2017
Even before construction workers began their strike on
May 24, the Couillard government said it would pass back-to-work
legislation in the first days of the strike. Why then would the
organizations representing employers negotiate when they knew that the
strike was going to be declared illegal? If the workers'
already-restricted legal power to withdraw their labour to win their
demands or defeat concessions they deem unacceptable is declared
illegal in advance, with the certainty of back-to-work legislation,
what
pressure can workers exercise at the bargaining table?
According to the trade union alliance representing the
five
construction unions, the Quebec Construction Association had withdrawn
its demand for extended work-hours, flexible schedules and Saturday
work-days in exchange for the withdrawal of significant demands by the
alliance, such as a job security measures. Two days before the
legislation was tabled, the employers' immediately put these demands
back on the table.
In the existing system, a strike is deemed to be a
period when workers and employers incur economic damages that force
them to negotiate to reach an agreement. The Quebec government has
already ruled that construction workers do not have the right to
inflict the economic damage provided by law because they work for the
public, an argument used solely to attack workers and deny them their
rights. Criminalization of the workers' strike is presented as the only
option and the workers have their hands tied. Why then would employers'
organizations negotiate with construction workers?
Finding Practical Solutions and Mechanisms to
Ensure Workers Can Exercise Their Rights
Without State Repression
- Richard Goyette, Social Justice Lawyer
and Former Executive Director, FTQ-Construction -
Construction workers picket, Montreal, May 24, 2017.
Workers' Forum is reproducing below excerpts
from the
intervention by Richard Goyette at the conference organized by the
Marxist-Leninist Party of Quebec (PMLQ) on May 7 under the theme:
"For
a modern constitution which vests decision-making power in the people
not the Crown." He explains how the state uses its
institutions to ensure that workers cannot act in defence of their
rights such as health and safety on construction sites.
***
In the constitution -- and this is from the time of
Montesquieu --
the legislative, judiciary and executive powers are separate. Everyone
has heard of that. But how does this operate and in what way can it
claim to be modern? Let's take the example of the charters in the case
of unions. Charters guarantee the right to association, but big
corporations, hiding behind a worker's specific case, plead for that
individual on the basis that the right to association also includes the
right to dissociation. So because there is much freedom in Canada and
each citizen can do as he pleases, he therefore also has the freedom to
destroy his union or his association. Thus, ideas which seem modern,
egalitarian and interesting are in fact used as instruments that are
beneficial to whom? Need I answer?
Criminalizing the Right of Refusal
Workers' health and safety demands are not about wages
but about
people staying alive. Recently, we had construction workers exercise
their right of refusal. You know that still today, Quebec construction
workers represent five per cent of the work force but also 25 per
cent
of all accident-related deaths as well as the highest level of
accidents. So within this context workers on the sites exercise their
right of refusal because the sites are dangerous.
The Construction Board intervenes (yet another
apparatus). The Act Respecting Labour Relations in the Construction
Industry
is a very repressive piece of legislation, with its premise that
construction workers are a bunch of thugs and this law claims to be
against intimidation by the workers. So we go to the Labour Standards,
Equity, Occupational Health and Safety Commission (CNESST) to deal with
the issue, which is an administrative body but also comes under the
executive power, since it renders accounts to the Labour Minister. So
even if we go through the CNESST, the Quebec Construction Board still
sends inspectors to the sites to see if our men and women
who exercised their right of refusal have not engaged in intimidation.
So you have a situation whereby it is dangerous for you to work, you
want to stop working so perhaps you intimidated yourself into deciding
to stop working because the conditions are dangerous. And wherever
there is intimidation, there can be fines and even criminal
accusations. This means that the union representative can no longer
tell his colleagues, "This is dangerous, we must be careful, protect
our well-being and stop working" because if he does, there will be a
board inquiry. We have succeeded in making them back down, but we will
have to make sure that the powers don't overlap and that decisions
are favorable to the people. So the issue that comes up is whom does
the constitution, this structure, serve, whom does it protect? We are
not talking about issues of international law or huge debates but
whether one can get up in morning, go to work and come back at the end
of the day not only alive but in one piece. Is such a claim so
complicated? Therefore such situations raise the issue of the executive
and the legislative powers, of who makes the laws and includes clauses
to repress the workers.
Criminalization in the Name of Banning Union Hiring
Let me give you another example of repressive clauses
in [the Act Respecting Labour Relations in the Construction Industry].
As
you
know,
construction
workers
have
been given this reputation of being
a bunch of
thugs. When we had a role in hiring workers for various sites, it would
seem that we bullied the bosses. I noticed that in the United
States, it is the bosses who bully the workers. In California, for
example, the bosses climb on their pick-up truck and choose among the
workers who is going to work that day. This is what the bosses here
wanted to bring back in the
construction industry.
In the region of Gaspésie, to help out the
workers there because there is a lot of regional unemployment, there is
a demand that people from Gaspésie are hired first when work is
available. One morning the union representative went to support the
workers in the region so that they get the work rather than those that
are picked up by the big German multinationals. We are not allowed to
propose that our own workers be hired. So some reporters are there and
to make a show they tell the union representative to draw up a list of
workers in the region if there are any. So the union rep takes the
reporters up on it, takes some paper and a pencil and asks the workers
there to sign their names after which he hands the list over to the
foreman as the reporters look on. He is now being accused of illegal
hiring even though this was a stunt set up by the reporters. He could
lose his job for five years.
Codes of Ethics
Another convenient way of rendering unions useless is
the use of codes of ethics. When you are on the Board of the CNESST, or
on the Construction Board and you have to intervene here and there, you
must have a code of ethics. Now that you work for a public body, you
must defend the interests of that body. But if I sit on the Board of
CNESST, do I protect the Commission which unfortunately has to spend
all this money on workers who are so stupid that they get hurt and kill
themselves? Let's face it, today when there is an accident it is always
considered the workers' fault, because we apparently have great
protective measures at our disposal. So if I don't defend the
Commission, which is the mandate, they will say that as a union
representative I cannot represent my organization. That's how things
are, to the extent that weeks ago I received a call from someone asking
how many workers had lost their lives in accidents in 2016. I in turn
asked CNESST but received an answer only on April 27 -- one day before
the Day of Mourning for Workers Killed and Injured on the Job. Why?
Because the members of the Board are held to an oath of
confidentiality. There were 80 workers killed in accidents in 2016. But
they could not give the number because of confidentiality. How does
that make sense? How can the fact that workers are killed be
confidential? The newspapers talk about people dying all the time. As
for us, those who defend the workers and go to court to fight for
compensation, we are left in the dark!
Provoking Violence
Here again, we are dealing with the state structure,
how power is
organized. You can have things which are nicely written, but that does
not mean that it will take place in reality nor does it tell us who is
in control in practice. It is often raised that there is a big
difference between state power and the apparatus... For example, I can
work for a
government but that does not mean that I control the apparatus. I can
give you examples of this yet again in the construction sector. We are
the only sector which is not protected by the Anti-Scab Law.
And let me tell you why. There are currently between 150,000
and 160,000 construction workers who work in Quebec.
According to some, they are all dangerous and you have them working on
schools, on homes, in our hospitals. Let's face it: the government
knows very well that when you are going to seek out construction
workers you are going to find them. You only have to declare: "We need
back-to-work legislation for this gang of thugs!" as if you can hold
back 140,000 workers, 30,000 employers where there is no
anti-scab law
and with the construction sites still open to all to go to work.
Workers have no choice, they have to make sure these
sites
remain empty. We are talking about the workers' bread and butter not
some fancy condo somewhere. So the government is well aware of how the
workers will react. But, by some strange coincidence, the government is
a 60 per cent investor in the construction industry, in
civil engineering and the institutional construction sector, which
means that it has a definite interest in settling things and quickly.
That is also the reason we have no right to a retroactivity in wages,
Conclusion
In summary, the way I see it, a modern project which
vests decision-making power in the people and not the Crown, that will
involve finding practical solutions to this debate so that -- and I may
be daydreaming -- there are mechanisms to ensure that workers' rights
cannot be rendered meaningless. This is not only a constitutional
matter but one of who holds power. And so long as it is left up to
anyone to hold power, so long as they lurk in the shadows, so long as
the power is more and more delocalized, internationalized and we are
more and more run by international agreements, to be able to identify
and to point to who is holding the power will be quite a feat.
As far as workers' power is concerned, we are caught
somewhere between A Brave New World and 1984. And even
if our world here seems to be a soft one, that we can do
almost anything we want, the bottom line is that you must not cross the
line of that "anything." As long as you are a consumer, fine, but even
in terms
of thinking, there is the ever-present control of the state and this is
becoming more and more part of our daily experience.
Consequences of Trade War in Forestry
Industry
U.S. Empire Seizes Tembec Inc.
Pathetic irrational argument for
empire-building
Tembec Inc., a Quebec-based forestry company announced
on May 25 that it will be purchased by U.S. monopoly Rayonier Advanced
Materials in a U.S.$807-million "friendly" takeover. Tembec CEO James
Lopez
suggests in explaining the decision to sell out the Canadian forestry
company Tembec to U.S. interests that as a "standalone producer" the
company could not prosper. He says the newly imposed U.S. softwood
export duties will force Tembec to pay duties upfront for several years
leading to a curb on investments in its 17 plants in Quebec and
Ontario. As a "standalone producer," the CEO says, Tembec has no
defence against U.S. empire-building and no alternative than to be
swallowed up more deeply within Fortress North America. Tembec needs
the deep pockets of a U.S. company to weather the storm until a
softwood lumber agreement is reached and life can go back to normal,
Lopez argues.
Is this true? Do his
remarks stand up to scrutiny and make sense? The CEO seems to have
thrown in the towel of nation-building and fully embraced
empire-building as the only alternative. Yet in truth, the surrender to
U.S. empire-building has long occurred and CEO Lopez's actions confirm
that fact, while his contention of being a
standalone producer is absurd. No company of any significance has been
a standalone producer since the merging of the industrial and financial
sectors at the beginning of the twentieth century, when the economy
came under the domination of the imperialist financial oligarchy.
The fact that Tembec relies so heavily on exports to
the U.S. and suffers whenever the U.S. Empire attacks and applies
import duties on Canadian softwood lumber shows that the company does
not exist within an independent economy let alone as a so-called
standalone producer. Tembec and the forestry sector are dominated by
the financial
oligarchy and enmeshed within the U.S. imperialist system of states.
CEO Lopez recognizes no alternative in nation-building
because since the beginning of the twentieth century all social
relations in the capitalist world are dictated by the imperialist
system of states and their empire-building. It is not in the interests
or class nature of the empire-buiders to see an alternative. The big
capitalists may want to strike a better deal within the empire to
favour their private interests but that is not nation-building in
opposition to empire-building.
No company is a standalone producer within the modern
socialized economy of industrial mass production. Production,
distribution and consumption are interrelated and dependent on all the
various parts functioning in cooperation for the mutual benefit of the
whole and all its parts. Nation-building in the modern era must have a
unified aim
to serve the whole and the actual producers, an aim which stands in
contradiction with the empire-building of the oligarchs. The oligarchs
engage in constant fighting and wars to serve their private interests
while crushing their rivals and the working people and causing
recurring economic crises.
How "standalone" is Tembec when the financial oligarchy
controls $487 million of debt ownership in the company? How
standalone is Tembec when its own equity ownership is 90 per cent
institutional with empire-builder Fairfax Financial holding 20 per
cent? How standalone is Tembec when it relies totally on material,
machinery and infrastructure produced by others, and cannot function
without a modern working class that society reproduces, nurtures and
educates? CEO Lopez spouts irrational nonsense to excuse the
inexcusable.
Rayonier, the Florida-based company fronting the
seizure, is smaller than Tembec in terms of production and number of
workers. Yet despite the smaller size, owners of debt hold almost
double the amount in Rayonier than in Tembec. Its annual gross income
is slightly less than Tembec's at just under $1 billion. Rayonier
has 1,200 workers producing value at two plants, far fewer than
Tembec's 3,000 workers at 19 facilities. This means
Rayonier's total value is heavily weighted towards transferred-value
from already-produced value. Its chemical plants are at the high end of
production using great amounts of already-produced and refined
material, which must be purchased and further refined using advanced
technique and expensive equipment. This means the downward pressure on
its rate of profit is intense, as total investment of social wealth in
material and equipment compared with the number of living workers is
large.
Where is Rayonier going to find the money to finance
the purchase of a company of comparable size when already it is
carrying over $800 million in debt and $650 million in share
equity? From the same financial oligarchy of Fortress North America
that already owns and controls both Tembec and Rayonier. Obviously,
those
same empire builders, which already control the two companies, decided
beforehand that the deal would serve their private interests.
The words of CEO Lopez are
to throw sand in workers' eyes, to tell them that no alternative to
empire-building exists and that control over their work and lives must
become even more removed from their workplaces and communities. In this
era of imperialism, he lectures the working class not to even think
about nation-building and having
a viable self-reliant economy under the control and direction of the
working people within an independent Quebec and Canada. It can't be
done; throw in the towel, just as Lopez and others did long ago with
Tembec. And that is the rub. In the era of imperialism and
empire-building, the only real viable alternative is not capitulation
but
nation-building led by the working class to vest sovereignty in the
people and bring the socialized economy under the control of the actual
producers.
Nation-building must have its own aim to serve the
people and guarantee their rights and well-being, and open a path
towards the emancipation of the working class. Nation-building can only
flourish in
opposition to empire-building by depriving the oligarchs of their power
to deprive.
CEO Lopez wants working people to think irrational
thoughts and swallow his nonsense that they can never gain control over
their work and lives and give the economy a positive pro-social
direction within a nation-building project under their direction. On
the contrary Mr. Lopez, nation-building can be done and must be done
for the sake of
humanity. Not by you or any other imperialist bourgeois, but by the
working class.
Further Concentration of Social Wealth and
Control in the Forestry Sector
Financial oligarchy consolidates
Tembec Inc. into Rayonier Advanced Materials
The financial oligarchy has orchestrated a trade
dispute in the softwood lumber sector. The U.S. government responded
favourably to the request of a powerful section of the oligarchy in
control of Fortress North America to impose a duty on Canadian softwood
lumber imports into the U.S. This marks the fifth time since
the 1980s that
the financial oligarchy has used this tactic to force lumber prices to
rise, squeeze smaller Canadian competitors out of business, consolidate
the sector in fewer hands, and use its expanded power and control to
attack the rights of the working class and its forestry communities.
Over 3,000 Tembec
workers harvest timber and produce high-purity cellulose, lumber, and
pulp and paper at 17 mills and plants in Quebec and Ontario. In
addition, Tembec has a chemical facility in the United States and
another in France.
The newly imposed U.S. duty has forced Tembec Inc. to
pay a 19.88 per cent preliminary duty on softwood lumber exports
to the United States retroactive to January 31, 2017.
Speaking to the Globe and Mail, Tembec's Chief Executive
Officer James Lopez said that along with other Canadian forestry
companies,
Tembec was hit last month with a lumber duty for its exports to the
U.S. In such a scenario, he said, where his company remained a
"standalone producer" and was forced to pay duties for several years
while the dispute plays out, it would face the prospect of curbing back
investments in its plants. Within the situation Lopez said the
executive and
directors of the company have agreed to a "friendly" takeover by
Florida-based Rayonier Advanced Materials. The seizure includes the
purchase or exchange of all equity ownership shares worth $320
million and the assumption of debt ownership worth $487 million.
[Note: All figures in U.S. currency.]
The agreed Tembec share price for the takeover
represents a 37 per cent premium to the traded share price prior
to the public announcement of the sale. All those holding Tembec's
shares will receive the higher price in cash or Rayonier shares.
Fairfax Financial, an oligopoly headquartered in Toronto is the main
institutional owner of
Tembec's equity shares with 20 per cent. Interestingly, Fairfax
also owns equity shares in Rayonier, whose share price jumped 12
per cent on the news of its takeover of Tembec. The executives of
Fairfax Financial quickly announced their complete support for the
concentration of Tembec ownership and control within Rayonier.
With the seizure of Tembec, the annual gross income for
Rayonier will double to $2 billion. Similar to the ownership of
Tembec shares, institutions of the financial oligarchy own over 90
per cent of the stock equity of Rayonier valued on the stock exchange
at around $650 million. Outstanding debt ownership in the
company is over $800 million. Rayonier has two plants in the
Southern U.S. with a total of 1,200 workers producing a variety of
chemicals.
In anticipation that the
much larger Quebec-based Resolute Forest Products Inc. will be the next
target on the oligarchy's forestry takeover list, reports say that
following the announcement of the Rayonier takeover of Tembec,
speculators immediately rushed to buy Resolute stock equity pushing its
share price up almost 7 per cent.
Fairfax Financial is also the largest equity stock owner of Resolute
Forest Products controlling over 34 per cent of the traded shares.
The Globe and Mail remarks that the takeover of
Tembec in the Canadian forestry sector leaves "few publicly-traded
names for Canadian investors beyond giants West Fraser Timber Co. and
Canfor Corp." The consolidation of ownership and control of Tembec
within Rayonier and relocation of its headquarters to the Southern
U.S.,
effectively ends the nineteenth and twentieth century nation-building
saga of forestry workers and others in Témiscaming and many
other forestry towns in Quebec and Ontario where former Tembec mills
and settlements were built with much sweat and blood. Control and a say
over the direction of the forestry sector has slipped even further out
of
the grasp of the actual producers and others in their communities,
along with the hope of reinvesting the added-value workers produce into
the local economy.
The global empire-building of the oligarchs deprives
the Quebec and Canadian working class of advancing its own
nation-building project to vest sovereignty in the people and use the
value they produce to guarantee their livelihoods, rights and
well-being, and the general interests of Canadian society. How to
deprive the oligarchs of Fortress
North America of the power to deprive the working class of advancing a
modern nation-building project is a problem the working people are
taking up for solution. Join in!
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