October 6, 2018 - No. 34
Concern to the
Trade Agreement Between
U.S., Mexico and Canada
• NAFTA Becomes USMCA
• Liberal Government's Bogus
"Recognition and Implementation
of Indigenous Rights Framework"
• Panel of Legal Experts and Other
• Breaking Down Trudeau Government's
- Statement of Truth Campaign, Idle No More
and Defenders of
the Land -
• Sisters in Spirit Vigils Held Across Canada
and in Quebec
• Significance of Quebec Election
- Chantier politique -
• Election Results
• The Elephant in the Room of
New Brunswick Election Results
- Tony Seed -
• "False Majorities" and Other Electoral
- Peter Ewart -
7 Presidential Election in Brazil
• Massive "Not Him" Demonstrations
Held All Over Brazil
• Montreal Rally in Support of
- Garnet Colly -
Matters of Concern to the Polity
The Noise Accompanying New Free Trade Agreement Between
U.S., Mexico and Canada
Since President Trump's inauguration in 2017, the
Liberals and their retinue in the mass media and trade union
movement have hysterically bleated about the demise of the North
American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). They have presented
Trump's threat to walk away from NAFTA as a grave danger to
Canada's economy and saving the trade agreement as akin to
saving Canada from collapse. The mass media generated a
three-ring circus of non-stop "will they agree or not," "will
Trump pull the plug or not," "will Freeland appear on the steps
to make an announcement or not."
The purpose behind this madness seems to have been to
convince Canadians that they were wrong about NAFTA when they
opposed it, from the beginning in 1994, just as they opposed the
earlier Free Trade Agreement with the U.S. Canadians have
consistently insisted that they want more control over their
economy, not less, which is what imperialist globalization has
The constant bleating that without a NAFTA agreement
doomed was designed to tell Canadians to give up any hope of
building an independent self-reliant Canadian economy, one that
could trade with the U.S. on an equal basis for mutual benefit
without the overbearing U.S.-dominated financial oligarchy
dictating our every move and telling us how to live and organize
our lives. The Trudeau/Freeland histrionics during this NAFTA
charade were to convince us to rally behind saving NAFTA and
place our future in the hands of the U.S. oligopolies and their
Homeland Security and war on terror, and endless predatory wars
of invasion and regime change and geopolitical calculations.
The Trudeau pro-NAFTA ruckus was to silence any voice
pro-social alternative and drown out any discussion suggesting a
possible new direction for the country in opposition to U.S.
dictate. The Liberal sellouts and their vassals in the media and
certain leaders in the trade union movement present the new NAFTA
deal with a sigh of relief that somehow Canadians have escaped
the worst wrath of Trump and can now breathe easier.
But the modern world is not
easier, safer or more
the ruling imperialist elite in business, politics and the media
deliberately disinform the people. The nature of international
trade and who holds the power over it provide the framework
within which everything is negotiated, settled and decided. The
people have no say in the matter and have not given their
consent. Working people in the U.S., Mexico and Canada have not even
been able to discuss international trade, discover the facts of the
issue in a calm atmosphere, or explore other possibilities. The dictate
is further capitulation to the supranational oligopolies whose only
interest is to serve narrow private gain.
There is now a done deal.
During the week leading up to the deal,
Trump was denouncing Trudeau and damning Freeland in no uncertain
terms. All that is now forgiven as Canada remains open for
business with its human and natural potential under the control
of U.S. imperialism. The financial oligarchy has once again secured
North America as a base to achieve its striving for world
For Canadians, the problem poses itself as the
democratic renewal and empowerment, to make their voices heard so
that matters of concern to the polity are brought under its
NAFTA Becomes USMCA
The supranational oligopolies that control the
of North America and seek global hegemony have tightened the
screws of their domination over the peoples of the U.S., Mexico
and Canada. The changes to the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA) in becoming the U.S. Mexico Canada Agreement
(USMCA) have both strengthened and loosened the rules of
international trade on the continent to favour the most powerful
NAFTA, in its new configuration
called USMCA, continues to deny
the sovereign right of the peoples of North America to control
their affairs and chart a direction for their economies that
favours the working people and their concerns.
Similar to the original NAFTA of 1994, the ruling elite
imposing USMCA without the people's consent or say. The revised
NAFTA serves the financial oligarchy centred in the United States,
along with its powerful members and allies in both Canada and
Mexico who have integrated the economies of those countries into a new
Fortress North America. The agreement further guts any semblance
of Canadian or Mexican sovereignty and hands over both countries'
human and natural resources to the U.S.-led oligarchs.
Supply Management in the Agricultural Sector
Action by dairy producers in Montreal, September 6, 2018, demanding
supply management be protected in any new trade deal.
Very little of the Canadian economy bears any
a nation-building project favouring development in opposition to
U.S. continentalism, which was the founding purpose of Canada
under British colonial rule. Almost all sectors and features of
the economy have come under the dominance of the U.S.-centred
financial oligarchy and its global oligopolies. Agriculture
suffered a huge blow with the elimination of the single selling
desk of the Canadian Wheat Board under the previous Harper
An exception to nation-wrecking has been the
determination of farmers to defend supply management in dairy and
poultry production and retain some control over standards of
production. The management of this
agricultural sector in a manner that defends itself from inroads of the
financial oligarchs serves the actual producers and guarantees a
certain food quality and security for Canadians. Supply
management and standards in this sector act as a barrier to U.S.
oligarchs being able to seize control in ways that enabled them
to gain hegemony over the agricultural sector in the United
States. Trump himself made this particular sector of Canadian
agriculture a target with constant diatribes, and now puffs
himself up as quite content that his threats have succeeded with
The Dairy Farmers of Canada
has denounced the USMCA and calls
it the death of supply management by a thousand cuts. This attack
intensifies the earlier ones in the Comprehensive and Progressive
Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership that Trudeau signed
in March 2018, and the Comprehensive Economic and
Trade Agreement between Canada and the European Union (CETA),
which is awaiting final approval in Europe. Both agreements allow
inroads into the Canadian agricultural market currently under
supply management. The USMCA intensifies the trend by breaching
the barrier of supply management with greater freedom for the
U.S. farming monopolies to penetrate the Canadian market. This
will allow the U.S. oligarchs to dump their excess product into
Canada at low prices for a time, which is a typical method to
wipe out smaller competitors. The amount of domestic milk now
displaced with all these global agreements has reached 18 per
cent or $1.3 billion in annual sales according to the Dairy
Farmers of Canada.
The loosening of standards regarding the quality of
other products is another feature of the USMCA. The U.S. allows
cows to be fed artificial hormones to increase milk supply from
11 to 16 per cent. Feeding hormones to increase production is not
allowed under current Canadian regulations. Research reveals
significant damage to cows from the hormones while the health
risks to humans have not been sufficiently investigated. The
USMCA appears to overturn this prohibition on the sale of milk
produced with artificial hormones.
The USMCA diminishes Canadian standards for industrial
used in secondary production. Canada currently has what is called
a "Class 7 designation" for the quality of milk in this regard.
Again, the USMCA appears to circumvent, if not eliminate, any Class
7 designation, which opens the door for U.S. industrial milk that
does not meet current Canadian standards.
The USMCA also interferes with the Canadian dairy
ability to export production not only to the U.S. and Mexico but
also outside North America. The agreement caps Canadian exports
of skim milk powder, milk protein concentrates, and infant
Dairy farmers protest, Montreal, September 6, 2018.
The Pharmaceutical Oligopolies (Big Pharma)
The Canadian health care sector is under immense
from high drug prices and the lack of any domestic public production
and distribution of pharmaceuticals to serve the people and
Medicare. The USMCA tightens the grip of private Big Pharma over
the sector. An intellectual property chapter lengthens the time
from eight to ten years that Big Pharma drugs are protected from
generic drug competition. This means Canadians will pay more for
Big Pharma realizes that many Canadians cannot afford
their prescriptions. To serve the narrow interests of Big Pharma
and the financial oligarchy, a push is underway for a government-funded
pay-the-rich pharmacare system that guarantees the sales
of Big Pharma but does not solve the problem of their domination
of the sector and their manipulation which results in absurdly high
costs to individuals or to the state purchasers of drugs. The pressure
pharmacare will become greater with USMCA, as no end or solution
is in sight to produce domestic pharmaceuticals where the value
workers generate is poured into the entire health care sector to
sustain it rather than bleed it dry, as is the case now.
Discussion must begin on building a Canadian public
pharmaceutical sector that develops, supplies and controls the
sector in the interest of Canadians and health care for all,
including pharmacare that is not a pay-the-rich scheme.
The USMCA even attacks the sale of BC wine in grocery
stores. The California wine monopolies, such as Gallo, have long
denounced the BC practice of encouraging the provincial wine
industry by allowing it exclusive presence in grocery stores.
Other wines are allowed in the much larger government BC Liquor Store
retail outlets. The USMCA "commits Canada" to end the practice of
promoting BC wines and allows U.S. and other foreign wines into
grocery stores. This is a direct blow against the smaller
Okanagan and Vancouver Island wineries.
USMCA Restricts Trade with China
The USMCA contains Article 32.10 that infringes on
Canadians' sovereign right to develop trade with countries
outside North America. According to the USMCA, Canada now has to
discuss with the U.S. and gain its approval for any attempt to
negotiate broader trade with China or any country the U.S.
considers a "non-market economy." Failure to inform the U.S. and
win its approval for the terms of any new agreement would
terminate the USMCA.
This article within USMCA clamps down on any attempt by
Canada to explore new avenues to trade. Escalating U.S.
imperialist trade and military competition with China does not
bode well. It also makes a mockery of the Trudeau Liberals' claim
that the Trans Mountain Pipeline expansion to Vancouver is to
open heavy oil export markets to China. Oil is a strategic
military product that the U.S. is determined to control globally
even to the point of blockades and war. Heavy Alberta oil
transported through an expanded Trans Mountain Pipeline and
additional tanker traffic is destined for U.S. refineries on its
"Macroeconomic Policies and Exchange Rate Matters"
Chapter 33 of the USMCA is entitled "Macroeconomic
and Exchange Rate Matters." It gives the U.S. ruling elite power
over Canada's currency, government spending and taxation. The
USMCA puts these matters under the control of the U.S. financial
oligarchy to strengthen dollar hegemony.
Chapter 22 of the USMCA classifies as State-Owned
Enterprises (SOEs) all Crown corporations in Canada. These
include Canada Post, public electricity producers and presumably
public health care providers such as public hospitals, public
pharmaceutical enterprises and mass public transit, in particular
any production in the public interest rather than for private
The U.S. ruling elite classifies SOEs as non-market
subject to restrictions. The USMCA targets SOEs and demands they
not compete with private sector companies. The USMCA text even
spells out specific penalties to be paid for non-compliance if a
non-market entity -- SOE -- uses public investment to develop an
enterprise in the public interest as part of nation-building.
Copyright terms in Canada now extend for 50 years
year the creator of the work dies. The USMCA extends the term to
Issues Not in USMCA
The global oligopolies in vehicle production retain
control with almost no change from NAFTA. International trade of
vehicles produced in North America is mostly intra-company
movement of production within the oligopolies. This also includes
long-term agreements with the big parts suppliers.
The Trump tariffs on steel and aluminum in the name of
national security were not removed.
Canadian softwood lumber production, which was not part
NAFTA, is not included in the USMCA and remains subject to
special U.S. tariffs and duties.
The U.S. policy of "Buy America" for all
projects remains intact. Trudeau apparently made the
elimination of "Buy America" an objective in renegotiating
NAFTA. In the USMCA, production in Canada and Mexico cannot be
used in U.S. state-funded projects, including U.S. sub-national
states and municipalities. Open procurement for state-funded
projects forms part of CETA with the European Union. This open
procurement goes both ways and increases the pressure to
privatize all provincial and municipal business, including
The list for professional visas to work in the U.S.
unchanged. The list of professions currently eligible for the
special class of temporary work visas in all three countries
created under NAFTA known as TN (Trade National) visas stays the
same, which excludes many of today's professions.
The language of Canada's existing cultural exemption
NAFTA remains in the new USMCA. This means that digital audio and
video content was not addressed. It seems that the U.S. cultural
oligopolies, such as Disney, want to use their command of digital
works as a modern means to break down any barriers to U.S.
imperialist cultural control in Canada. The lack of any specific
agreement on digital content means, in addition to unlimited
distribution, Canada does not have a legal means to force U.S.
producers and distributors of digital content to pay into any
government program assisting Canadian cultural workers.
Liberal Government's Bogus "Recognition and
Indigenous Rights Framework"
On September 7, prior to the start of the fall session
of Parliament, the Trudeau Liberals posted their "Recognition and
Implementation of Indigenous Rights Framework" on the Aboriginal
Affairs and Northern Development Ministry website, calling it a
document for "discussion." The Trudeau government says the
"Framework" is the prelude to replacing the Indian Act
with new legislation.
In February, Prime Minister Trudeau announced that his
government would present a new "Indigenous Rights Framework" for
the fall 2018 session of Parliament, with the intention to have
new legislation to replace the Indian Act adopted as law
by the next federal election in October 2019.
The government is forging ahead despite the firestorm
opposition the "framework" has elicited from the Indigenous
peoples of Canada and their allies who have in no uncertain terms
told the Liberal government to STOP!
peoples of their lands and resources
is for purposes of extinguishing their hereditary and treaty
rights and assimilating them so as to commit genocide. It was the
united political opposition of the Indigenous peoples and their
Canadian allies that forced the withdrawal of a prior attempt to
achieve the same thing in 1969 under the Pierre Elliott Trudeau
government. Since then, various governments have tried to revive
the aim of replacing the racist Indian Act with policies that
achieve the dispossession and assimilation of the Indigenous
peoples in the name of rights. These attempts continue to be met
with fierce organized resistance led by Indigenous peoples.
Despite this, the Liberals have persisted in holding bogus
"consultations" with the provinces, territories, Indigenous and
Métis organizations over this past year. These
"consultations" are held on the basis of the superiority of the
colonial government and are designed to achieve self-serving
results. They are seen to be bogus because they are bogus.
Since being elected, the Trudeau government has put
stock in its "sunny ways" to cover up its deceitful backroom
deals. On this fundamental constitutional matter of the rights of
the Indigenous nations and what Canada stands for as a country,
the government is desperate to meet the relentless demands of the
international financial oligarchy to remove obstacles that stand
in the way of their plunder of valuable mineral and land
resources. Much of these resources the international oligarchs
covet are under the hereditary jurisdiction of the world's 400
million Indigenous peoples. The affirmation of the hereditary and
treaty rights of the Indigenous peoples in Canada and around the
world is thus a matter of principle. Modern nation-building
projects must recognize the principle of nation-to-nation
relations with the Indigenous peoples. It is the recognition of
their inherent rights which is an impediment to the plunder by
private interests and the genocide they want to commit.
Canada, along with the U.S., Australia and New Zealand,
to vote in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples when it was passed at the UN General Assembly
in November 2007 because they do not recognize Indigenous rights.
The Trudeau government "signed on" in 2016 on the basis of what
appears to be an arrogant belief that through "sunny ways," it
could pull off dispossession using backroom methods.
The day has come for Canadians to break with the past
engage in modern nation-building which will recognize, as a first
principle, nation-to-nation relations with the Indigenous peoples
of Turtle Island. For Canada to turn the page on its colonial
past a modern constitution is required which constitutes an
independent, free and voluntary union of the Indigenous peoples,
the nation of Quebec and the peoples of the rest of Canada.
TML Weekly calls on the working class and
this country to demand that the federal legislation be stopped.
Join the Indigenous peoples in demanding a new process that
is based on hereditary rights; pre-existing sovereignty;
Aboriginal title; historic treaties; the internationally recognized
right of self-determination; and the restoration of all stolen lands,
territories and resources, or restitution for lands, territories
and resources not returned! Let all Canadians join the Indigenous
peoples and demand this with one voice!
Panel of Legal Experts and Other
On August 10, a panel of legal experts and other
Indigenous leaders, convened by Professor Mary Ellen
Turpel-Lafond, Director of the Indian Residential School Centre
for History and Dialogue, met at the University of British
Columbia on Musqueam First Nation territory to discuss the
federal government's Indigenous rights agenda. The meeting was
co-chaired by former Truth and Reconciliation Commissioner Grand
Chief Wilton Littlechild and Grand Chief Edward John of the
Treaty 6 Confederacy. Other participants included Paul Chartrand,
a leading Métis scholar, lawyer and former Commissioner of
the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. As a result of their
discussion, a letter was sent on August 21 to Prime Minister
Trudeau calling for a "reset" of his government's Indigenous rights
The letter in part notes:
The engagement process has
yet to produce clear focus,
despite the input of many of us. The basic materials we have been
provided appear to misstate foundational legal and constitutional
concepts. Specifically, views expressed to us by senior officials
about the meaning of co-development, recognition, implementation,
Indigenous laws, Indigenous jurisdiction Treaties, Aboriginal
title, engagement, consultation, free prior and informed consent,
self-determination and self-government, among other topics are
not legally correct, nor could they serve as a foundation for new
recognition and implementation legislation or policy. From our
perspective, the initiative fails to appreciate or understand
that legal rights have already been recognized by the Courts in
Canada in a multitude of cases where inherent Aboriginal and
Treaty rights have been consistently affirmed for Aboriginal
peoples and Treaty First Nations peoples.
It is difficult for us to
comprehend the sources for these
government materials and the validity of positions advanced by
Crown officials. We are left with a distinct impression that
there is an absence of a proper legal, constitutional, normative,
jurisprudential and theoretical context, and as a result there
are basic deficiencies in documentation, development of options
and dialogue. This "engagement" has drifted away from the promise
for a comprehensive and transformative moment....
We urge you to take a look
at the current path, and reset.
This work needs to be placed on a proper legal, international and
domestic human rights and constitutional footing. The Minister of
Justice and Attorney General whom you have also mandated on this
initiative must be engaged to provide the legal advice and
direction for the Crown. We note that under section 4 of the Department of Justice Act,
the Minister is the legal advisor to
the Government and she must "see that the administration of
public affairs is in accordance with the law. ...
More troubling, we have been
informed that this "recognition
framework" will result in rights recognition only after the
conclusion of a negotiation process. This is inconsistent with
the major rulings of the Supreme Court of Canada and is a denial
of rights approach which you renounced on February 14, 2018. For
government to refer to or even tolerate discussion of such a
flawed, outdated, and legally unsound approach, is harmful.
Aboriginal and Treaty rights
are not conditional or
inchoate, nor do they only become legal rights after the
conclusion of a negotiated agreement. The Government of Canada
must clearly recognize and acknowledge pre-existing and inherent
Aboriginal and Treaty rights because they are existing legal
rights and they are constitutionally recognized, affirmed and
protected. There exists a legal duty on the federal Crown to
negotiate in good faith and to act with honour toward Indigenous
peoples -- these are foundational long-standing Canadian legal
Breaking Down Trudeau Government's
After the Federal
Government, the Provincial
Governments and the Municipal Governments
are the Fourth Level of Government in this country."
Minister Justin Trudeau June 8, 2016, Toronto, Ontario, Canada
Since the 2015 Federal Election Justin Trudeau has
terminology like "nation-to-nation," "reconciliation,"
"decolonization" "self-determination" and "Inherent & Treaty
Rights." This has confused many of our people and hidden the true
intent of the Trudeau government's Indigenous Policy and Rights
The Trudeau government has even co-opted the Assembly
First Nations, and many Chiefs and Chiefs' organizations.
Although there are some Chiefs and Chiefs' organizations who are
still true to serving their people working to protect and defend
Inherent Rights, Aboriginal Title & Treaties and Treaty
The Trudeau government is operating in secret and is
out a sophisticated public relations misinformation campaign that
is causing confusion among our people about the government's true
intentions. This misinformation strategy is called "Special Words
and Tactics (SWAT)."
Since forming a majority government, Prime Minister
Trudeau has launched the largest assault on First Nations
collective rights in the 151-year history of Canada! Larger than
the Harper government ever aspired to, but consistent with the
intent of Pierre Trudeau's 1969 White Paper on Indian Policy!
What we are seeing now is the implementation of the White Paper
through federal law, policy and their proposed Recognition
In order to re-colonize First Nations into assimilated
"Indigenous-Canadians," the Trudeau government has unilaterally
imposed 10 Principles on Indigenous Relationships and started to
dissolve the Department of Indian Affairs. Trudeau has imposed
two new federal departments over First Nations to implement a new
law and policy "Framework."
Throughout the summer the Trudeau government has
national engagement process with select, invited participants.
This is a top down process that goes around our peoples and
places our rights on the line without our participation or
As Parliament resumes on September 17, we must publicly
demonstrate that we do not agree with the federal process or the
resulting legislation because it violates the international
minimum standards regarding the rights of Indigenous Peoples!
If passed, this legislation will affect generations of
people and we haven't had any say in the process or their plan!
The federal goal is to use federal funding to force our people
into new agreements that sever us from our original relationship
with our lands, territories and resources as Indigenous
The time is now for Indigenous First Nation Peoples --
legitimate rights holders -- to get organized and exercise our own
decision-making powers with Free, Prior Informed Consent. The
legitimate rights holders, the people, will make
decisions through our governance systems -- families/clans,
communities and as nations. Collectively, we will be directing
leadership as international self-determining peoples on our
Trudeau's "Rights Recognition Framework" Is
Threat to Our Survival!
The "Framework" is a collection of federally imposed
policy designed to terminate our pre-existing sovereignty and
collective rights as Indigenous Nations and get us to surrender
to Crown sovereignty as ethnic minorities, also known as,
"Indigenous Canadians" NOT as Indigenous Nations.
The core of the planned federal "legislative framework"
transition bands currently under the Indian
"self-government" agreements, which the Trudeau government is
falsely calling "self-determination."
According to a July 2018 federal "Engagement Document":
1. Federal laws and jurisdiction will continue to be
on our peoples and nations.
2. Provincial and Territorial laws and jurisdiction
continue to be imposed on our peoples and nations.
3. The "Framework" will be the basis for ALL relations
between the Government of Canada and Indigenous peoples, First
Nations, Inuit and Metis. The rights of First Nations will be
watered down in a pan-Indigenous approach under this
4. "Self-Determination" and "Nation Re-Building" will be
defined under federal jurisdiction by financially
coercing/co-opting non-self-governing Indian
Act Bands to become
federally recognized "Indigenous Governments" operating under
various Canadian "fourth level" self-government regimes,
- A comprehensive land claim agreement which includes
a comprehensive self-government component;
- A comprehensive
agreement on self-government; or
- A legislated comprehensive
5. A National "Oversight Body" is to be created
Parliament on progress implementing Indigenous Rights and the
United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
for First Nations, Métis and Inuit. Supposedly, the body would
"independent." However, past experience shows the federal
government stacks this type of structure with co-opted elites with
ties or sympathies to the political party in power. There is no
mention of requiring international monitoring or reporting to
United Nations Human Rights bodies.
6. A National "Dispute Resolution Body" is to be
"support the collaborative resolution of issues relating to the
recognition and implementation of Indigenous rights." Again, it
is claimed this body would be "independent"! However, the federal
government controls the one-sided "recognition" and "negotiation"
7. To establish a "Negotiation Table" under the
an Indigenous Nation or "collective" has to "submit information
to the Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern
Affairs demonstrating that they represent a rights-bearing
Indigenous nation or collective." Those groups who are already at
what we call "Termination Tables" only need to make a request to
"bridge" into the new negotiations "Framework." In BC,
"Indigenous nations and collectives there could continue to apply
to the British Columbia Treaty Commission to establish
negotiation tables. In such a case, the Government of Canada
would respect the decisions of the Treaty Commission."
8. The "Negotiation Mandates" under the "Framework"
build on the secret negotiations the Trudeau government has been
conducting with about 60 "Negotiation Tables" with First Nations,
Métis and Inuit. Click
here for a link to a list of the negotiating
The "Negotiation Mandates" at these tables will lead to various
forms of "fourth level" ethnic minority "Indigenous Governments"
as described in paragraph 4 above.
9. The "Framework" allows that "Practical approaches
introduced to recognize and implement interests in and title to
lands." This is mainly referring to Indian
Act Reserve lands, NOT
traditional or Treaty territories. There are already a number of
policies the federal government is using to get rid of reserves.
As the 1969 White Paper on Indian Policy put it:
Control of Indian lands
should be transferred to the
Indian people ... Between the present system and the full holding of
title in fee simple lie a number of intermediate states. The
first step is to change the system under which ministerial
decision is required for all that is done with Indian land. This
is where the delays, the frustrations and the obstructions lie.
The Indians must control their land ... The Government believes that
each band must make its own decision as to the way it wants to
take control of its land and the manner in which it intends to
manage it. It will take some years to complete the process of
devolution. -- 1969 White Paper
The Government believes
that full ownership implies many
things. It carries with it the free choice of use, of retention
or of disposition. In our society it also carries with it an
obligation to pay for certain services. The Government recognizes
that it may not be acceptable to put all lands into the
provincial systems immediately and make them subject to taxes.
When the Indian people see that the only way they can own and
fully control land is to accept taxation the way other Canadians
do, they will make that decision. -- 1969 White Paper
The "Framework" is based on the 1969 White Paper that's
the "Framework" focuses on existing Reserve Lands NOT Aboriginal
Title or Treaty lands, territories or resources, because the
federal goal is still to turn Reserves into private property (fee
10. The "Framework" if adopted, will negatively and
impact the historic Treaty relationships. Historic Treaties were
not meant to be an instrument of reconciliation -- treaties were
necessary for the Crown's subjects to enter Indigenous Peoples'
territories -- that is not reconciliation -- Canada does not
legitimately possess the lands and resources Indigenous Peoples'
own. The words "agreements and other constructive arrangements"
were added to the UN Study on Treaties as a way to side-track the
Special Rapporteur on Treaties -- Miguel Alfonso-Martinez -- away
from the Treaties. He asked Canada to provide him with the
international definition for agreements and other constructive
arrangements -- they never provided him with any definition. The
use in this federal "10 Principles" position is designed to
provide a smokescreen because Canada cannot provide
Ongoing cooperation -- means that Indigenous Peoples
supposed to stand out of the way as the land and resources are
taken from their lands without their consent -- that is Canada's
view of cooperation and partnership. The federal purchase of the
Trans Mountain Pipeline is a clear example of this.
After 1973 -- the "land claim agreements" are all based
federal Comprehensive Land Claims Policy -- this is not
treaty-making like the historic Treaties were. That's why "land
claims agreements" were only added to section 35(3) of the Constitution Act 1982, in the 1983 constitutional
weren't included in section 35(1) of the original Constitution
One of the underlying assumptions in the federal "10
Principles" and the "Framework" is that the historic treaties do
not form an instrument for federal recognition and implementation
11. The entire "Framework" is based on a new "Fiscal
Relationship"! As stated above, the Trudeau government
distinguishes between "non-self-governing" Indian Act Bands and
Aboriginal groups who have signed Modern Treaties and
There are two different fiscal relations processes and
different federal departments: one for Indian Act Bands
(Indigenous Services) and one for federally created "fourth
level" "Indigenous Governments" through Self-Government
Agreements and/or so-called Modern Treaties (Crown-Indigenous
The new federal "Department of Indigenous Services
(DISC)" is taking over much of what the former Department of
Indian Affairs used to do in implementing the Indian Act, which
is to deliver on-reserve programs and services. This Department
is also to fund the capacity of bands until they can be
coerced/co-opted into signing new self-government agreements or
modern treaties to move them into the new "Department of
Crown-Indigenous Relations (CIR)." The removal of the on-reserve
tax exemption will be part of new agreements.
The Trudeau government is using federal legislation,
and new 10-year funding agreements for bands under the Indian Act
to force our people into new agreements that break our original
relationship with our lands, territories and resources as
The new federal "Department of Crown-Indigenous
(CIR)" is taking over the implementation of section 35
self-government agreements, modern treaties and
"Indigenous-Canadian" agreements under the proposed
The federal "Department of Indigenous Services Canada"
intended to be temporary until all existing Indian Act bands are
converted essentially into ethnic municipalities as
"Indigenous-Canadians" and then "DISC" will also dissolve.
12. This federal legislation must be stopped and a new
started that is based upon our original instructions from the
Creator; our pre-existing sovereignty; our Aboriginal Title; our
historic Treaties; our internationally recognized right of
self-determination; the restoration of our stolen lands,
territories and resources, or restitution for lands, territories
and resources not returned!
13. We ask our Elders, pipeholders, medicine or
people and all our people to pray on Monday, September 17, 2018,
the day Parliament resumes. We must start the process of
mobilizing our youth, families, communities and Nations to stop
the Trudeau government's Termination legislation and start
building a new relationship in the right way from the ground up
and not the top down!
14. We ask our people to organize teach-ins around the
Plan and Recognition Framework for the month of September to
prepare for what's coming!
This document is
issued by the Coordinating Group of the
Idle No More, Defenders of the Land and Truth Campaign Networks.
For more information: info@IdleNoMore.ca.
Sisters in Spirit Vigils Held Across Canada
and in Quebec
Parliament Hill, October 4, 2018
On October 4, more than 115 vigils and other actions
held in Quebec and across Canada to honour the memory of the more
than 4,000 missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls.This was the
13th year the vigils have been held.
At the Ottawa vigil this year the Families of Sisters
Spirit read out the names of the 124 Indigenous women, girls and
two-spirited people who have been murdered or gone missing since
the Trudeau government came to power in 2015, with its promises to
take action to end the violence and establish a new relationship
with Indigenous peoples. The number of those missing and murdered
is a damning indictment of the government's refusal to act. The
disappearances and deaths continue while the state refuses to
investigate these cases and bring those responsible to justice, in some
cases dismissing suspicious deaths as suicides, and missing women as
having run away and "not wanting to be found."
In addition to vigils, marches took place in Calgary, Edmonton,
Montreal demanding justice. In Winnipeg, students at the University of
Manitoba organized a red
riboon walk, tying ribbons and messages to utility poles in memory of
the missing and murdered women. In North Battleford, the family of a
woman who has recently gone missing attended the vigil to ask for
assistance in finding her.
In the organizing kits for the vigils, the Native
Women's Association of Canada outlined the aims of the vigils as:
to honour the lives of the murdered and missing Indigenous women
and girls; to support grieving families and provide opportunities
for healing; and to be a movement for social change, united in
the demand for action "on a Canadian issue that impacts us
Parliament Hill, Ottawa, Ontario
Bathurst, New Brunswick
Whycocmagh, Nova Scotia
Manitoulin Island, Ontario
Sault Ste Marie, Ontario
Anishinabek Nation, Ontario
North Battleford, Saskatchewan
Grand Prairie, Alberta
Prince George, BC
Whistler, BC; Mission BC
Significance of Quebec Election Results
The October 1 Quebec election stands as testimony to the
profound crisis of the party-dominated system of representative
democracy in which governments that receive a minority of
both eligible votes and votes cast claim a majority. The Coalition
Avenir Québec (CAQ) won 74 of the National Assembly's 125
seats and will form a "majority government," notwithstanding the
fact that it garnered votes from less than 25 per cent of the
eligible electorate, nearly 35 per cent of whom abstained from
voting. This unrepresentative electoral system declared a
"sweeping victory" for the CAQ on the basis of a winner-take-all
method of counting votes which looks at the facts of the vote in
a self-serving way.
According to the tenets of the party-dominated system
representative democracy, the holding of elections where electors
get to vote for one or another political party is supposed to
"promote the emergence of a sufficiently clear and coherent
political will" in the form of a party government. But this is
not what the results of the Quebec election show. These results
are yet more evidence that, today, the ruling elites have
abandoned any aim other than to get a party government elected, by
hook or by crook, so that they can declare that the "people have
spoken" and that the government has "a mandate" to implement an
agenda the people have not adopted.
Even as on election night the CAQ's "sweeping majority"
being described by the ruling elite and its media as a "historic
breakthrough" and a "remarkable accomplishment," none of them
could say what the CAQ majority government will do and on the
basis of what "mandate." While the CAQ proclaims that now it will
rule for "all the people," political pundits from all quarters are
asking: "What does the vote for the CAQ mean?"
The fact is that nobody knows. What is known, however,
that CAQ leader François Legault is a multimillionaire
whose interests have never coincided with those of the working
people of Quebec. Besides the fact that a leader of a political
party is declared the new Premier of Quebec and he is not a peer
of the working people, the election is a fraud because it is not
the citizens who decide the agenda and direction of the society.
Furthermore, the abstentionist vote is an additional factor which
shows that the electoral system is incapable of capturing what
the people are saying with their ballots. By no stretch of the
imagination is it the citizens of Quebec who set the course of
the government for the coming period.
CAQ leader Legault held his first official
press conference as premier-designate in Quebec City on October
2. Even though the election can be described as anything but one
that rallied people behind a vision for the future, Legault
declared, "I think yesterday we began to bring Quebeckers
together." He said his three top priorities will be the economy,
education and health, by which he means their privatization.
Given the aim of the election, the direction of the
will remain the same and the people can expect their conditions
of life and work to worsen.
This government can also be expected to do everything
possible to divide the polity on a narrow-minded backward basis,
while it makes sure the people's concerns are not known. It is
already making statements to pit one section of the people
against another in the name of defending what it calls Quebec
Should the people resist, it will continue the practice
turning them into criminals for allegedly harming the economy and
the national interest. This is what the so-called liberal
democracy permits this government to do. It is designed to keep
the minority, which protects private interests, in power and make
sure the people remain out of power.
The election results mean that all those fighting for
justice, especially the workers, women and youth who are in the
front ranks of the striving to humanize the natural and social
environment, must be fully supported. This will strengthen the
people's ability to resist and, on this basis, strengthen the
political movement for empowerment. At the heart of this fight
must be the recognition that what is called a liberal democracy
must be replaced by a mass democracy which vests decision-making
power in the people.
Democracy is a question of the highest principle, and
have every right to demand that their own government be
democratic. The question that arises is: How is this to be
achieved? It will not be brought about by merely demanding that
the government uphold its promises without paying attention to
the content of what the workers are fighting for and what the society
needs. In the wake of the Quebec election, the Marxist-Leninists
will continue to speak openly. They will continue to provide
information which tackles issues directly, taking facts from life
so as to assist in getting the society to take up a democratic
orientation and to contribute to the same nationally and
Chantier politique is
the on-line newspaper of the Marxist-Leninist Party of Quebec (PMLQ): www.pmlq.qc.ca.
The result of the Quebec election held on October 1 is
follows: The Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) will form a
majority government, having won 74 ridings with 1,509,428 votes,
which is 37.4 per cent of the popular vote. This is said to be
the lowest vote in Quebec history for a party that won a
majority. CAQ gains came at the expense of the Liberals and the
Parti Québécois (PQ) outside of the island of
Montreal, where the CAQ has only two seats.
The Liberals will form the official opposition with 32
ridings, down from 68 when they formed the previous majority
government. They received 24.8 per cent of the vote, which is
1,001,148 votes, said to be the lowest ever in their history since
Confederation. While they maintained seats in Montreal and two seats in
the Outaouais, they lost in the rest of Quebec, besides the riding of
Gaspé, which is the only new Liberal gain and where there is
going to be a vote recount because of a very close result, and
Robervale where former premier Philippe Couillard was reelected. Their
leader Phillipe Couillard, former Premier of Quebec, who campaigned on
what he called the great achievements of his government, resigned as a
result of this clear rejection.
Québec Solidaire (QS) more than tripled its seat
ten of its candidates elected, up from three in the previous
government. It received 649,488 votes, which is 16.1 per cent of
the total vote. Besides six seats on the island of Montreal, where
it defeated PQ leader Jean-François Lisée in
Rosemont, QS won Taschereau and Jean-Lesage in Quebec City,
Sherbrooke in the Eastern Townships, as well as
The biggest loss was incurred by the PQ. It salvaged
seats, down from 28 in the previous government where it formed
the official opposition. This means it has lost official party
status. It received 687,935 votes, which is 17.06 per cent of the
total vote, slightly more than Quebec Solidaire. This was the
worst result the PQ has achieved since the 1973 general election.
PQ leader Jean-François Lisée resigned and
Véronique Hivon has taken over as interim leader.
The Abstention Vote
The large number of people who chose not to vote is an
indication of the crisis of the party-dominated system of
representative democracy. Many self-serving interpretations are given
as to what the votes signify. Of the province's 6,169,772 eligible
voters, 2,070,132 abstained, 33.6 per cent of them, which means
more people abstained from voting than voted for
the CAQ. While the CAQ obtained 1,509,428 votes, amounting to
37.4 per cent of the 4,033,545 valid votes cast, this only represents
24.5 per cent of the registered electors.
To further put the CAQ's "sweeping
victory" in perspective, the combined votes received by Québec
the PQ, the small parties and independents totalled 1,522,969,
compared to the CAQ's 1,509,428 votes. These combined votes
amount to 37.8 per cent of the valid votes cast (24.7 per cent of
eligible voters). This means that the abstentionist vote,
combined with the votes received by these parties that comprise an
opposition to the
CAQ stands at 58.2 per cent of the registered electors.
Looking at the election results in the context of the
not the first-past-the-post winner take all framework imposed by
the electoral law in Quebec, the CAQ's "sweeping majority" is not
so sweeping after all.
The Elephant in the Room of New Brunswick
Mass demonstration by more than 2,000 public sector workers and
retirees in defence of their pensions, Fredericton, November 6, 2013.
The final result of the New Brunswick election on
September 24 gave rise to a minority Conservative government. The
Conservative Party received 22 seats; the incumbent Liberal
government, 21 seats; the Green Party, three seats; and the People's
Alliance, three seats. Both Blaine Higgs and Brian Gallant,
leaders of the Conservatives and Liberals respectively, claimed
to have won the election. Both of these parties received less of the
popular vote than in the previous election in 2014. The Green
Party increased from one to three seats and the People's Alliance
from zero to three seats. The NDP has not won a seat in New
Brunswick in some 15 years. The failure of this election to give rise
to a majority government desired by the ruling class so as to claim a
strong mandate shows once again the legitimacy crisis facing the cartel
party system and its first-past-the-post method of counting votes.
Without batting an eye, the pundits and media reassured
people of New Brunswick that the Lieutenant Governor, who is a
representative of the Queen of England, will now decide which
party will form the government. This British colonial institution
is said to be a "Canadian tradition" which provides a peaceful
handover of power from one party to another. The electoral system
is said to be representative because voters are more or less
equally apportioned into ridings.
In his final wrap-up of the election night coverage,
senior news anchor of ATV (CTV Atlantic), Steve
Murphy, tried to suggest
the result is a product of a "North-South divide" and "a language
divide" between Acadians and Anglophones. This disinformation is
aimed at concealing that the biggest divide is between the
working people and the rich and their supranational oligopolies,
such as the Irving empire.
Yes, Irving is the elephant in the room which no
The cartel parties all demand that "making New
competitive" is the key to prosperity for one of the most
impoverished provinces in Canada. If prosperity has been achieved by
opening New Brunswick to the plunder of our resources and work
over the past 151 years, then why does it suffer a net population
loss and rising out-migration of its youth? Why are families torn
asunder and educated people forced to go elsewhere to find a
living? Mass unemployment persists as what little manufacturing
that existed has been destroyed along with the decimation of the
fisheries and forestry. To blame the Acadians, again, for their
own tragedies reveals a wretched outlook to say the least.
The economic and political crisis will deepen. Any
claim a popular mandate for the government which will be formed
through backroom negotiations is dead in the water given that the
people exercise no control whatsoever over the choices being
New Brunswickers stand second to none in fighting for
their rights and like everyone else across the country, they face the
issue of how to empower themselves, whether within the difficult
situation of an election where everything is stacked against them
exercising any control over the electoral process, as well as following
the election. Despite the absence of an independently organized
political force, the situation of a minority government and the
political crisis of the ruling elite provides an excellent opportunity
for the working class, youth and students, women, seniors, Acadians and
Indigenous peoples to advance their demands and concerns on the basis
of their own independent politics.
"False Majorities" and Other Electoral Distortions
One of the biggest complaints against the existing
first-past-the-post voting system in British Columbia and Canada as a
whole is that it very often creates what is termed "false
majorities" and other electoral distortions.
With a false majority, a political party receives
half of the votes but wins more than 50 per cent of the seats. In
Canada, this happens almost all the time, with political parties
routinely forming majority governments with only 40 per cent of
the vote or even less.
One example is the recent election in Ontario where,
under the first-past-the-post system, the Doug Ford Conservatives got
40 per cent
of the vote but 60 per cent of the seats, resulting in a majority
government with 100 per cent of the power.
The Quebec election on October 1 is another case in
The Coalition Avenir Quebec got a majority government with almost 60
per cent of the
seats (74 seats out of 125), yet it received only 37.4 per cent
of the popular vote, the lowest vote share of any majority
government in Quebec history.
Under first-past-the-post such bizarre distortions are
common. In the 1996 election in British Columbia, the NDP won
re-election as a majority government with just 39.5 per cent of
the vote and the resulting 39 seats. Paradoxically, the BC Liberals
received substantially more votes than the NDP (41.8 per cent)
yet, remained in Opposition with only
In the 1993 federal election, Jean Chretien's Liberals
majority government with only 41 per cent of the vote. For its
part, the Bloc Quebecois received 13.5 per cent of the vote and
54 seats, becoming the official opposition in Parliament. At the same
Campbell's Progressive Conservatives got 16 per cent of the vote
but only a paltry two seats. When parties receive these false
majorities and form government, they claim that they have a
mandate to rule and impose agendas, which are often hidden. A
glaring example in British Columbia happened in 2009 when the
Campbell Liberal government imposed the Harmonized Sales Tax just
weeks after the election, even though it had denied having any such
before the election.
Regional distortions are also a serious problem with
first-past-the-post. For example, in the 2001 British
Columbia election, the NDP received 21 per cent of the votes and the
per cent. However, the NDP got only two of the 79 seats and the
Greens zero. The two NDP seats were confined to the city of
Vancouver with the rest of the province's vast regions
represented by Liberal MLAs.
On the other hand, in the 2017
BC election, despite
getting 30 per cent of the vote on Vancouver Island, the Liberals ended
up with only one out
of the Island's 14 seats.
False majorities and distorted voting results aggravate
problems in the party-dominated electoral system. Many voters in
ridings that are considered "safe" for one party or another, feel
that their vote is wasted, while others feel the necessity to
vote strategically rather than for the candidate they actually
These problems serve to further exacerbate the decline
voter numbers with often as many as 40 to 45 per cent choosing
not to vote at all, the number being much higher amongst
The three options in the upcoming BC referendum on
Proportional Representation (Dual Member, Mixed Member and Rural --
Urban), each in its own way, are means to avoid these "false
majorities" and minimize distortions.
What is clear is that British Columbians want more
proportionality and accuracy in voting results that better reflect
their voting preferences. This desire is part of their striving
for more say and more control over the political and economic
processes of the province and country.
October 7 Presidential Election in Brazil
Massive "Not Him" Demonstrations Held
All Over Brazil
"Not Him" demonstration in São Paulo, as part of September 29,
day of action.
On October 7 a general election is being held in Brazil
elect the President and Vice President, the National Congress,
state and Federal District Governors and Vice Governors, state
Legislative Assemblies and the Federal District Legislative
Chamber. If in the presidential election no candidate receives
more than 50 per cent of the vote on Sunday, a runoff will be
held on October 28.
The election is stacked against the people of Brazil as
result of the jailing and disqualification of former President
Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, by far Brazilians' favourite
candidate. Two main contenders for the presidency are now Jair
Bolsonaro of the Social Liberal Party (PSL) and Fernando Haddad
of the Workers' Party (PT). Bolsonaro is a former army officer
and so is his running mate, General Hamilton Mourão, who
retired from active military service. Bolsonaro heads an alliance
called "Brazil Above All and God Above Everyone." Bolsonaro and
his running mate are notorious not only because of their
nostalgia for the fascist military dictatorship Brazilians
endured from 1964 to 1985, but for the hateful racist, misogynist
and homophobic remarks both have made publicly. Bolsonaro is said
to be the front runner in the polls.
The people's candidate is Fernando Haddad who replaced
last month and is therefore less known. Haddad's running mate in
the "People Happy Again" coalition is Manuela D'Ávila of the
Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB).
What is thus at stake in Brazil is to prevent the
continuation of the neo-liberal nation-wrecking program embarked
on by the president imposed on Brazil by its financial oligarchy
through a constitutional coup. Michel Temer was installed in
2016 to do their bidding after President Dilma Rousseff of the PT
was falsely accused of corruption and Lula was
disqualified, despite still having appeals pending before higher courts
on a conviction based on similar false charges.
The violations of fundamental democratic principles,
the ruling elite have used their control of the state power to
impose, show clearly the use to which the system called "liberal
democracy" is put. The system must be replaced with one in which
the people can elect their peers, defend their choices and
exercise control over the direction of the economy and social
Women Take the Lead to Defend Democracy and the Rights
In an effort to ensure that the candidate of the
oligarchy Jair Bolsonaro is prevented from becoming the country's
next president, starting with denying him a first round victory
on October 7, Brazilian women went into action and organized the
biggest mobilization of women in the country's history on
September 29. Well over a million people, the large majority of
them women, took part in militant #EleNão ("Not Him") marches in
438 Brazilian cities as well as in 34 countries around the world.
Some of the largest actions were in São Paulo where 500,000
filled the city's streets; Recife, where 250,000, including 500
Doctors against Bolsonaro took part; Rio de Janeiro with 200,000
participants, and Belo Horizonte with 100,000. In Curitiba where
Lula has been unjustly imprisoned since April, 30,000 people
surrounded the courthouse and raised the demand that he be freed
in addition to expressing their rejection of a Bolsonaro
In Canada "Not Him" actions
were held in Montreal, Quebec
City, Toronto, Ottawa and Vancouver.
Participants said the demonstrations were not just
one candidate, but to say No to privatization of the
people's natural resources and state-owned companies and other
neo-liberal measures imposed by the highly unpopular coup
president Michel Temer. These measures include the Labour Reform
that attacks workers' rights and the constitutional amendment
that imposed a 20-year freeze on social spending.
A Manifesto entitled "Women United Against Bolsonaro"
released for the occasion calling for equality, freedom, rights,
social justice and a life free from violence. In it the women
express their rejection of a dictatorship or fascist rule.
"Bolsonaro is everything Brazil does not need to overcome the
crisis and move forward," they say.
Despite Bolsonaro leading in the polls since Lula was
out, since the women began mobilizing to defeat him, the
percentage of electors who say they would absolutely not vote for
Bolsonaro has risen to 45 per cent, the highest rejection rate
for any candidate. Another round of "Not Him" marches has been
called for the eve of the election on Saturday October 6.
Actions Across Brazil
Rio de Janeiro: Recife
Actions in Canada and Around the World
San Francisco, U.S.
Montreal Rally in Support of Brazilian People
More than 300 Brazilians resident in Montreal and their
supporters gathered in the Place des Festivals in the late afternoon on
Saturday, September 29, to add their voices to those of the hundreds of
thousands in over 400 cities and towns across Brazil and around the
world to show their determination to ensure that the outcome of the
upcoming Brazilian election defends the interests of the people. The
demonstrations were held a week before the first round of the
presidential election on October 7, with Jair Bolsonaro, a defender of
military dictatorship and torture, currently leading the polls.
Women in Brazil realized
that the oligarchy now running their
country was determined to push the fascist candidate Bolsonaro to
escalate the nation-wrecking against the people's gains since
they succeeded in defeating the previous military dictatorship.
They began to organize on social media as "Women United Against
Bolsonaro" with the hashtag #elenão -- #nothim. Their movement
has continued to gain strength, uniting all those under attack,
particularly women, blacks, Indigenous peoples and LGBTI individuals,
but has also given new strength and energy to the workers'
movement. They took their activity from social media to the
streets and organized what many have called the decisive event of
this election campaign.
At the Montreal rally, in an upbeat, vigorous spirit,
speaker after speaker made it clear that their opposition was not just
man, as the hashtag might suggest, but to the backward politics
that he represents and the dangers to the country represented by
his openly racist, misogynist, homophobic, violent, neo-liberal,
anti-social positions. People of all ages and from all walks of
life applauded enthusiastically as women and men, youth, students
and workers declared that this spirit of unity in defence of the
rights of all is what represents their people and what they will
continue to fight for.
Alessandra Devulsky, spokesperson for the Coletivo
Brasil-Montréal, which organized the event, pointed out that
culture is an essential part of politics, as had already been
illustrated in some of the interventions. She invited Eluza Gomes
to lead the crowd in the spirited singing of "Ele Não" (Not Him)
-- an adaptation of Bella Ciao to the current struggle in Brazil.
She also contributed another song and poetry.
This was followed by an open mic session in which many
intervened to support the fight of the Brazilian people for their
right to decide. Among them, was Geneviève Royer, officer of
Marxist-Leninist Party of Quebec (PMLQ), who said that the fight
of the Brazilian people is part of the fight of the people of the
world to seize control of their destiny against forces of
reaction that are becoming more desperate every day and have
only anarchy and violence to offer. She said that this striving
of the people to exercise control over their lives is also seen
in the Quebec election with its high level of sectarian
infighting amongst the political parties of the rich. The
interventions were vigorously applauded.
The rally ended with a group photo to be shared with
movement in Brazil, to remind the reactionaries that patriotic
Brazilians, and their supporters everywhere, are determined to
prevent Brazil from being dragged backward. The organizers, who
were overwhelmed by the participation, along with all of the
participants, left with renewed enthusiasm and energy to continue
their struggle in defence of democracy and the rights of the
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