80th Anniversary of the End of the
Spanish
Civil War
Salute the Memory of All Those Who Fought for the
Republic in
the Spanish Civil War
"The Internationals -- United with the Spanish We
Fight Against the Invader."
April 1, 2019 marks the 80th anniversary of the end of
the
Spanish Civil War, fought between the people's forces, known as
the Loyalists or Republicans, who were represented by the
democratically-elected Popular Front, and the fascist
"Nationalist" forces, led by General Francisco Franco.
Franco's reactionary forces, held in check by workers' militias, sought
assistance from Nazi Germany and fascist Italy, which did so in
violation of a 1936 non-intervention agreement. Governments, like those
of Britain, France and Canada, were opposed to providing assistance to
the Republican government of Spain for self-serving reasons. In the
case of Canada, this was done under the guise of "neutrality" to favour
the ruling circles whose business interests would be furthered by a
fascist government. France and Britain's signing of
the non-intervention pact effectively prevented the Republican
government from buying arms from them to defend itself. Meanwhile,
major U.S. oil and motor companies provided Franco with substantial
supplies of fuel and vehicles on heavily discounted terms. Only Mexico
and the Soviet Union stood by the Republican side at the state level,
despite the Soviet Union having no official diplomatic ties with Spain
at that time. As the war began, the Soviet Union sent supplies of oil
food, clothing and other non-military provisions, financed by workplace
collections all across the Soviet Union. Later in the war, the Soviets
would send troops and arms. The Communist Party and the Soviet press
led mass campaigns and demonstrations rallying the people behind the
slogan addressed to the Spanish people: "Remember you are not alone, we
are with you." J.V. Stalin said in a telegram to the Spanish Communist
Party: "The liberation of Spain from the yoke of the fascist
reactionaries is not the private concern of Spaniards alone but the
common cause of all progressive humanity."[1]
It was in this spirit -- that Spain's fight against
fascist reaction was that of humanity's -- that the people's forces in
Spain came to be reinforced by anti-fascist volunteers from all over
the world. Tens of thousands of workers, trade unionists and
progressive students mobilized and headed to Spain to take up arms. The
number of overseas combatants who fought in what came to be known as
the International Brigades has been estimated at 40,000, with
volunteers flooding in from 53 countries. Besides the support of the
Soviet Union, this included amongst others, contingents from
France (9,000 people), Germany (4,000), Poland (3,000), Italy (3,000),
the United States (2,800), Britain (2,500), Canada (1,600), Costa Rica,
Albania, Greece, Cuba, Argentina, Finland, Ireland, South Africa,
Bulgaria and China.
The Republican forces fought heroically against great
odds.
The civil war, which caused an estimated 500,000 casualties,
officially ended with Franco coming to power on April 1, 1939.
The Spanish people's struggle against Franco's fascist
dictatorship continued unabated until his unlamented death in
1975.
The Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion
The Mackenzie-Papineau
Battalion and Dr. Norman Bethune, outstanding
Canadian participants in the Spanish Civil War.
In 1936 Canadians and Quebeckers valiantly took their
place
side by side with the peoples of Spain and many countries of the
world to fight against the fascists in Spain. They made up the
Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion of the Republican Army's XV Brigade,
a proud contingent of the Republican forces. Battalion members
came from all parts of Canada and Quebec and were almost wholly
of working class origin. One thousand five hundred and forty-six
people volunteered to go, a significant number of them born in
Europe, and the two largest groups being Finns and Ukrainians.
The Communist Party and the Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy
began organizing volunteers in the fall 1936 and by April 1937
around 500 people had enlisted.
The majority of the Canadian people supported the
Republican
people's forces in Spain but the ruling circles declared that
Canada should remain "neutral" in the conflict. The consequence
was to give the fascists and their German and Italian allies free
rein to attack the Spanish people. By joining and supporting the
International Brigades, Canadians defied the ruling circles and
opposed this crime against the peace.
Canadian Prime Minister Mackenzie King's support for
Franco
was no surprise. An admirer of Hitler and Mussolini he was a
rabid anti-communist. When he visited Germany in June 1937 even
as the Nazis were already openly fighting in Spain in support of
General Franco committing heinous crimes, he stated that he was
"very favourably impressed" by Hitler's assurances that Germany
would not go to war in Europe. In April 1937, the King Liberal
government passed the Foreign Enlistment Act which
stipulates that it is an "Offence to enlist with a foreign state
at war with a friendly state" and that "any person who, being a
Canadian national, within or outside Canada, voluntarily accepts
or agrees to accept any commission or engagement in the armed
forces of any foreign state at war with any friendly foreign
state or, whether a Canadian national or not, within Canada,
induces any other person to accept or agree to accept any
commission or engagement in any such armed forces is guilty of an
offence."[2]
Canada's Foreign Enlistment Act made the
anti-fascist
workers' volunteering to fight against fascism in Spain into a
criminal act. Although to this day no one has been convicted under the Foreign
Enlistment
Act, it was used as the
pretext for
the criminalization those the state suspected of going to fight
in Spain, who risked losing their citizenship under the Act. The
Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) officers were sent to spy on
such persons. Many Canadian volunteers were denied travel
documents and found their passports stamped "Not valid for
Spain." Even after the war, veterans of the Mackenzie-Papineau
Battalion, or one of the numerous other battalions in which
Canadian volunteers served, were subject to RCMP
surveillance.
Canadian volunteers en route to Spain via France.
Left: The Mac-Paps man a machine gun during the Battle of Belchite,
1937;
right: Dr. Norman Bethune carrying out a blood transfusion during
the war.
Despite attempts by the Canadian state to criminalize the
Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion, they receive a heroes' welcome from
working people when they return in 1939.
Nonetheless, Canadian communists and other progressive
people
openly defied the reactionary government and its repression by
organizing anti-fascist volunteers and by the summer of 1937 some
1,300 Canadians were fighting overseas for the liberation of
Spain. Except for Cuba and France, no country contributed more
people as a proportion of their population. Canada's volunteers
included Dr. Norman Bethune, who innovated mobile blood
transfusion units on the battlefield, saving thousands of lives.
Dr. Bethune later died of septicemia in China in 1939 near the
end of the Anti-Japanese Anti-Fascist War led by the Communist
Party of China.
Canadians fought bravely in some of the most significant
battles of the Spanish Civil War, contributing to the victory at
Jarama between February and June 1937, fighting at Brunete in
July 1937, at the Battle of Teruel from December 1937 to March
1938, defending against the "Aragon Offensive" of the fascists
from March to April 1938 and finally at the Battle of the Ebro
from July to September 1938.
Plaque adjacent to the
Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion Monument in Ottawa.
Only 646 Canadian volunteers returned from the
battlefields in Spain. Far from acclaiming these true heroes for
resisting fascism, the Canadian government demonized their political
motivations and beliefs. Canadians who died in the Spanish Civil War
are still not included in the Books of Remembrance in the Peace Tower
or commemorated on federal war memorials or in Remembrance Day
services. Survivors never received veterans' benefits.
On the 80th anniversary of the end of the Spanish Civil
War and the heroic anti-fascist resistance of the Spanish and world's
peoples, the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) salutes the
memory and work of all those heroic women and men who fought to contain
fascism in Spain and the many who gave their lives. Canada's
contribution to the anti-fascist resistance in Spain remains a peerless
example of the internationalism of the Canadian working class and
people, who hail from all lands and whose battles to defend rights form
a wealth of experience in solving problems today.
Monuments to the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion
Green Island, Ottawa
Queen's Park, Toronto
Cumberland, BC
Confederation Garden, Victoria
Note
1. "The Soviet Union and the
Spanish Civil War," International Brigade Memorial Trust (UK).
2. The blatant anti-people political
agenda behind the Foreign Enlistment
Act was exposed on March 1, 1940 when Canada announced that
citizens were free to enlist in the Finnish armed forces, which were
collaborating with the Nazis against the Soviet Union. On May 18, 1948,
the Canadian Cabinet decided that the question of application of the Foreign Enlistment Act to Palestine
should be deferred so as to facilitate the military recruiting of
Canadian nationals to suppress the Palestinians. In the 1960s and '70s,
an estimated 40,000 Canadians illegally enlisted with U.S. forces in
the aggression against Vietnam, with no repercussions. In the 1990s,
the Liberal governments of Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin did not
charge Zionist groups with violating this law when they set up
recruitment tables for the Israeli Armed Forces at Concordia University
and some other campuses.
(Photos: Library and Archives Canada,
TML, University of Victoria)
Background
- Dougal MacDonald -
In February 1936, the election results in Spain very
much
favoured the Popular Front, composed of various progressive forces.
This was despite the fact that many
of the leaders of the people's forces had been imprisoned or
exiled during the previous "two black years" of state repression
to suppress the anti-dictatorial movement against the reactionary
Gil Robles government. Some 40,000 Spaniards were imprisoned and
thousands had to leave the country. The new Parliament elected in
1936 included 268 Popular Front members and 140 members from the
right-wing forces. Parliamentary debates became more and more
heated with one major issue being land reform to break up the old
feudal estates of the Spanish aristocracy. Fascists attempted or
carried out assassinations of government officials, while Germany
and Italy egged on the right wing. Certain industrialists who
supported the fascists locked out their workers to create chaos.
On July 18, a military uprising against the government began
across the country.
The Spanish fascists were led by General Francisco
Franco and
backed by the big landowners such as the Duke of Alba, the
Catholic church and the big capitalists such as Juan March, who
wanted to retain their profits and privileges. Foreign monopolies
such as the Rothschild-controlled Rio Tinto also supported
Franco. In August 1936, the Rio Tinto mining area fell to
Franco's forces. The British manager of Rio Tinto went to London
to tell the British government to do business with Franco.
Franco's troops directly assisted Rio Tinto in ferociously
smashing the 1937 miner's strike at the company's Huelva mines in
Andalusia province. At the company's 1937 annual general meeting,
Rio Tinto Chairman Sir Auckland Geddes (whose son-in-law was a
German prince) reported triumphantly: "Since the mining region
was occupied by General Franco's forces, there have been no
further labour problems... Miners found guilty of troublemaking
are court-martialed and shot."
The Spanish fascists benefited hugely from the sham
non-interventionist policy of the ruling circles of the United
Kingdom, France, and the United States, who hoped to eventually
egg on the German Nazis and Italian fascists to attack the Soviet
Union. In fact, 27 countries including Germany and Italy signed a
phony non-intervention agreement in September 1936. Despite this,
Germany and Italy continued to provide military aid to Franco in
the form of men, planes, tanks, trucks and other materiel and
officially recognized the Franco administration in November 1936. On
April 26, 1937, the German Luftwaffe's Condor Legion infamously
bombed the peaceful town of Guernica, one of the first air raids
on a defenceless civilian population, a war crime commemorated in
Picasso's famous mural-sized painting. The U.S. declared
"neutrality" during the war but U.S. corporations such as Texaco,
General Motors and Ford supplied Franco's forces with fuel and
equipment. Britain and France would recognize Franco's government in
February 1939.
Guernica, by
Pablo Picasso (1937)
Only the Soviet
government provided material assistance to the
courageous Republican forces. This included 1,000 aircraft, 900
tanks, 1,500 artillery pieces, 300 armoured cars, 15,000
machine-guns, 30,000 automatic firearms, 30,000 mortars, 500,000
rifles and 30,000 tons of ammunition. The Soviet Union had signed
the September 1936 non-intervention treaty but on October 26 the
Soviet Ambassador to Spain declared in a note to the British
representative Minister Lord Plymouth that it could no longer be
bound by the agreement due to German and Italian intervention.
The note stated that the Soviet Union had supported
non-intervention to restrict the supply of arms, reduce
casualties and shorten the war. However, it was now clear that
"the agreement has been systematically violated by a number of
participants" and that "the supply of arms to the rebels
[Franco's forces] goes on unpunished." Meanwhile the "legitimate
government of Spain has turned out to be, in fact, under boycott,
deprived of facilities to purchase arms outside Spain for the
defence of the Spanish people."
Soviet pilots and tanks taking part in the Spanish
Civil War.
The people's forces
fought heroically against big odds. One
day after the fascist generals' revolt began, Communist leader
Dolores Ibárruri coined the famous slogan, "No
Pasarán!" ("They Shall Not Pass!") which inspired the
anti-fascist resistance in Spain and around the world. One of the
most memorable series of battles involved Franco's Siege of
Madrid, which began November 8, 1936 and lasted until March 28,
1939 due to the strong defence of the city. Soon after the siege
began, a new Republican government was installed which armed the
trade unionists with rifles. After Franco initially failed to
take Madrid, his forces and Italian forces encircled the city,
during which time the heavily outnumbered Republican forces
scored victories at the battles of Jarama and Guadalajara in
Feburary and March 1937. The Republican forces also captured
large quantities of badly-needed materials and equipment. As the
siege continued, the main problem for the people's forces within
the city was that they had no aircraft to defend against air
attacks. Both Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy supplied Franco with
air cover and armoured units for Franco's assault on Madrid,
while the Condor Legion of the Luftwaffe attacked under direct
Nazi command.
"To win the war, help Madrid."
Germany and Italy
refused to abide by the neutrality agreement
they had signed and actively fought on the side of Franco. Julio
Alvarez del Vayo, Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs of the
Republican government during most of the civil war, summed up
"... the whole saga of non-intervention... was the finest example
of the art of handing victims over to the aggressor States, while
preserving the perfect manners of a gentleman and at the same
time giving the impression that peace is the one objective and
consideration."
One of the main groups
in Canada pushing for the "neutrality"
which actually supported Franco was the Canadian industrialists
who had financial interests in Spain. One example was the
Barcelona Traction Light and Power Company (BTLP), incorporated
by CPR magnate William Mackenzie and his engineer, Frederick
Pearson, along with Belgian capitalists. In 1948, Franco's
multimillionaire backer Juan March manoeuvred himself into
control of BTLP.
The other main
pro-Franco force in Canada was the reactionary
hierarchy of the Catholic church. The Church was a major
landowner in Spain and closely allied with Franco. The Mackenzie
King Liberal government, which ruled on behalf of the monopolies,
was also kowtowing to its old masters in Britain and its new
masters in the United States, both of whom had also pushed
through "neutrality" legislation in the interests of their own
industrialists who had investments in Spain. In 1953, the U.S.
government signed a pact providing substantial aid to the Franco
regime in exchange for the establishment of U.S. bases in
Spain.
"Smash Fascism!!!"
The Spanish Civil War
was not just a war within Spain, it was
one of the opening battles of the Second World War. The two
main European Axis powers, Germany and Italy, fought in the war
on the side of the fascist rebels for their own aims, which
included access to Spain's resources as well as menacing France
with a new hostile frontier and gaining better access to the
Mediterranean. Coming shortly after the Italian annexation of
Ethiopia in 1936, the Spanish Civil War was soon followed by
further aggressions by the Axis powers of Germany, Italy and
Japan in Manchuria, the Rhineland, Czechoslovakia and Albania.
But it was in Spain that the battle against fascism was first
fought with the greatest intensity and where there still existed
a chance to stop Nazi Germany, fascist Italy, and their
collaborators. Instead, the victory of Franco in Spain,
facilitated by the deliberate non-action of the United Kingdom
which included Canada, France and the U.S., encouraged the Nazis
and fascists to escalate their aggression and initiate a bloody
world war. The tragic defeat of the heroic anti-fascist forces in
Spain was the real beginning of the Nazi invasion and occupation
of Europe and the six year Second World War which slaughtered
millions.
(Hardial
Bains
Resource Centre
Archives)
Aggravation of the
International Political Situation Prior to
World War II
TML Weekly is publishing excerpts from the Report
on
Work
of
the
Central
Committee to 18th Congress of Communist Party of
the Soviet Union (Bolshevik) held in Moscow from March 20-21, 1939.
The Report, delivered by J.V. Stalin, amongst other things deals with
the collapse of the post-World War One system of peace treaties and
analyses the beginning of the new imperialist war.
***
2. Aggravation of the
International Political
Situation.
Collapse of the
Post-War System of Peace Treaties. Beginning
of a New Imperialist War.
Here is a list of the
most important events during the period
under review which mark the beginning of the new imperialist war.
In 1935 Italy attacked and seized Abyssinia. In the summer of
1936 Germany and Italy organized military intervention in Spain,
Germany entrenching herself in the north of Spain and in Spanish
Morocco, and Italy in the south of Spain and in the Balearic
Islands. Having seized Manchuria, Japan in 1937 invaded North and
Central China, occupied Peking, Tientsin and Shanghai and began
to oust her foreign competitors from the occupied zone. In the
beginning of 1938 Germany seized Austria, and in the autumn of
1938 the Sudeten region of Czechoslovakia. At the end of 1938
Japan seized Canton, and at the beginning of 1939 the Island of
Hainan.
Thus the war, which
has stolen so imperceptibly upon the
nations, has drawn over five hundred million people into its
orbit and has extended its sphere of action over a vast
territory, stretching from Tientsin, Shanghai and Canton, through
Abyssinia, to Gibraltar.
After the first
imperialist war the victor states, primarily
Britain, France and the United States, had set up a new regime in
the relations between countries, the post-war regime of peace.
The main props of this regime were the Nine-Power Pact in the Far
East, and the Versailles Treaty and a number of other treaties in
Europe. The League of Nations was set up to regulate relations
between countries within the framework of this regime, on the
basis of a united front of states, of collective defence of the
security of states. However, three aggressive states, and the new
imperialist war launched by them, have upset the entire system of
this post-war peace regime.
Japan tore up the
Nine-Power Pact, and Germany and Italy the
Versailles Treaty. In order to have their hands free, these three
states withdrew from the League of Nations.
The new imperialist
war became a fact.
It is not so easy in
our day to suddenly break loose and
plunge straight into war without regard for treaties of any kind
or for public opinion. Bourgeois politicians know this very well.
So do the fascist rulers. That is why the fascist rulers decided,
before plunging into war, to frame public opinion to suit their
ends, that is, to mislead it, to deceive it.
A military bloc of
Germany and Italy against the interests of
England and France in Europe? Bless us, do you call that a bloc?
"We" have no military bloc.
All "we" have is an
innocuous "Berlin-Rome axis"; that is,
just a geometrical equation for an axis. [Laughter]
A military bloc of
Germany, Italy and Japan against the
interests of the United States, Great Britain and France in the
Far East? Nothing of the kind.
"We" have no military
bloc. All "we" have is an innocuous
"Berlin-Rome-Tokyo triangle"; that is, a slight penchant for
geometry. [General laughter]
A war against the
interests of England, France, the United
States? Nonsense! "We" are waging war on the Comintern, not on
these states. If you don't believe it, read the "anti-Comintern
pact" concluded between Italy, Germany and Japan.
That is how Messieurs
the aggressors thought of framing public
opinion, although it was not hard to see how preposterous this
whole clumsy game of camouflage was; for it is ridiculous to look
for Comintern "hotbeds" in the deserts of Mongolia, in the
mountains of Abyssinia, or in the wilds of Spanish Morocco.
[Laughter]
But war is inexorable.
It cannot be hidden under any guise.
For no "axes," "triangles" or "anti-Comintern pacts" can hide the
fact that in this period Japan has seized a vast stretch of
territory in China, that Italy has seized Abyssinia, that Germany
has seized Austria and the Sudeten region, that Germany and Italy
together have seized Spain -- and all this in defiance of the
interests of the non-aggressive states.
The war remains a war;
the military bloc of aggressors remains
a military bloc; and the aggressors remain aggressors.
It is a distinguishing
feature of the new imperialist war that
it has not yet become universal, a world war. The war is being
waged by aggressor states, who in every way infringe upon the
interests of the non-aggressive states, primarily England, France
and the U.S.A., while the latter draw back and retreat, making
concession after concession to the aggressors.
Thus we are witnessing
an open redivision of the world and
spheres of influence at the expense of the non-aggressive states,
without the least attempt at resistance, and even with a certain
amount of connivance, on the part of the latter.
Incredible, but true.
To what are we to
attribute this one-sided and strange
character of the new imperialist war?
How is it that the
non-aggressive countries, which possess
such vast opportunities, have so easily, and without any
resistance, abandoned their positions and their obligations to
please the aggressors?
Is it to be attributed
to the weakness of the nonaggressive
states? Of course not. Combined, the nonaggressive, democratic
states are unquestionably stronger than the fascist states, both
economically and in the military sense.
To what then are we to
attribute the systematic concessions
made by these states to the aggressors?
It might be
attributed, for example, to the fear that a
revolution might break out if the non-aggressive states were to
go to war and the war were to assume world-wide proportions. The
bourgeois politicians know, of course, that the first imperialist
world war led to the victory of the revolution in one of the
largest countries. They are afraid that the second imperialist
world war may also lead to the victory of the revolution in one
or several countries.
But at present this is
not the sole or even the chief reason.
The chief reason is that the majority of the non-aggressive
countries, particularly England and France, have rejected the
policy of collective security, the policy of collective
resistance to the aggressors, and have taken up a position of
nonintervention, a position of "neutrality."
Formally speaking, the
policy of non-intervention might be
defined as follows: "Let each country defend itself from the
aggressors as it likes and as best it can. That is not our
affair. We shall trade both with the aggressors and with their
victims." But actually speaking, the policy of non-intervention
means conniving at aggression, giving free rein to war, and,
consequently, transforming the war into a world war. The policy
of non-intervention reveals an eagerness, a desire, not to hinder
the aggressors in their nefarious work: not to hinder Japan, say,
from embroiling herself in a war with China, or, better still,
with the Soviet Union: to allow all the belligerents to sink
deeply into the mire of war, to encourage them surreptitiously in
this, to allow them to weaken and exhaust one another; and then,
when they have become weak enough, to appear on the scene with
fresh strength, to appear, of course, "in the interests of
peace," and to dictate conditions to the enfeebled
belligerents.
Cheap and easy!
Take Japan, for
instance. It is characteristic that before
Japan invaded North China all the influential French and British
newspapers shouted about China's weakness and her inability to
offer resistance, and declared that Japan with her army could
subjugate China in two or three months. Then the European and
American politicians began to watch and wait. And then, when
Japan started military operations, they let her have Shanghai,
the vital centre of foreign capital in China; they let her have
Canton, a centre of Britain's monopoly influence in South China;
they let her have Hainan, and they allowed her to surround
Hongkong. Does not this look very much like encouraging the
aggressor? It is as though they were saying:
"Embroil yourself
deeper in war; then we shall see."
Or take Germany, for
instance. They let her have Austria,
despite the undertaking to defend her independence; they let her
have the Sudeten region; they abandoned Czechoslovakia to her
fate, thereby violating all their obligations; and then began to
lie vociferously in the press about "the weakness of the Russian
army," "the demoralization of the Russian air force," and "riots"
in the Soviet Union, egging the Germans on to march farther east,
promising them easy pickings, and prompting them: "Just start war
on the Bolsheviks, and everything will be all right." It must be
admitted that this too looks very much like egging on and
encouraging the aggressor.
The hullabaloo raised
by the British, French and American
press over the Soviet Ukraine is characteristic.
The gentlemen of the
press there shouted until they were
hoarse that the Germans were marching on Soviet Ukraine, that
they now had what is called the Carpathian Ukraine, with a
population of some seven hundred thousand, and that not later
than this spring the Germans would annex the Soviet Ukraine,
which has a population of over thirty million, to this so-called
Carpathian Ukraine. It looks as if the object of this suspicious
hullabaloo was to incense the Soviet Union against Germany, to
poison the atmosphere and to provoke a conflict with Germany
without any visible grounds.
It is quite possible,
of course, that there are madmen in
Germany who dream of annexing the elephant, that is, the Soviet
Ukraine, to the gnat, namely, the so-called Carpathian Ukraine.
If there really are such lunatics in Germany, rest assured that
we shall find enough straitjackets for them in our country.
[Thunderous applause] But if we ignore the madmen and turn
to normal people, is it not clearly absurd and foolish to
seriously talk of annexing the Soviet Ukraine to this so-called
Carpathian Ukraine? Imagine: The gnat comes to the elephant and
says perkily: "Ah, brother, how sorry I am for you ... Here you
are without any landlords, without any capitalists, with no
national oppression, without any fascist bosses. Is that a way to
live? ... As I look at you I can't help thinking that there is no
hope for you unless you annex yourself to me ... [General
laughter] Well, so be it:
"I allow you to annex
your tiny domain to my vast territories
..." [General laughter and applause.]
Even more
characteristic is the fact that certain European and
American politicians and pressmen, having lost patience waiting
for "the march on the Soviet Ukraine," are themselves beginning
to disclose what is really behind the policy of non-intervention.
They are saying quite openly, putting it down in black on white,
that the Germans have cruelly "disappointed" them, for instead of
marching farther east, against the Soviet Union, they have
turned, you see, to the west and are demanding colonies. One
might think that the districts of Czechoslovakia were yielded to
Germany as the price of an undertaking to launch war on the
Soviet Union, but that now the Germans are refusing to meet their
bills and are sending them to Hades.
Far be it from me to
moralize on the policy of
non-intervention, to talk of treason, treachery and so on. It
would be naive to preach morals to people who recognize no human
morality. Politics is politics, as the old, case-hardened
bourgeois diplomats say.
It must be remarked,
however, that the big and dangerous
political game started by the supporters of the policy of
non-intervention may end in a serious fiasco for them.
Such is the true face
of the prevailing policy of
non-intervention.
Such is the political
situation in the capitalist
countries.
In Remembrance of a Son of Wales
(Who Fell in Spain)
- T.E. Nicholas -
Amid the roar of guns that
split the air,
Faint moaning reached him from a tortured field;
He followed to a city passing fair,
His soul aflame, his flesh a living shield.
There death-charged missiles blazed a trail of woe,
Leaving each shattered hearth a vain defence,
While flocks of iron eagles, swooping low,
Clawed out the life of cradled innocence.
Far from the hills he loved, he faced the night,
Bearing, for freedom's sake, an alien yoke;
He fell exalting brotherhood and right,
His bleeding visage scorched by fire and smoke.
E'en as the sweetest note is born of pain,
So shall the song of songs be born in Spain.
Tomorrow's Seed
- Langston Hughes -
Proud
banners of
death,
I see them waving
There against the sky,
Struck deep in Spanish earth
Where your dark bodies lie
Inert and helpless---
So they think
Who do not know
That from your death
New life will grow.
For there are those who cannot see
The mighty roots of liberty
Push upward in the dark
To burst in flame---
A million stars---
And one your name:
Man
Who fell in Spanish earth:
Human seed
For freedom's birth.
Songs
The Last Lincoln Veteran
- David Rovics -
Jarama Valley
- Woody Guthrie -
Canciones de la Guerra Civil Española
- Rolando Alarcón, Album Completo -
Posters
The Republican Forces and International Brigades
Posters in support of the Republicans and
internationalist brigades
herald the definitive call to arms against the fascists -- "They Shall
Not Pass!"
Posters of the Popular Front.
Posters highlighting the role of women workers to support the
Republican forces fighting at the front.
Left: poster appealing to the Basque people to join the Republican
forces; right: the Union of Socialist Youth commits its forces to the
Republican cause.
Republican posters expressing thanks for internationalist support.
Hello Canada!
pamphlet published by the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion to mobilize
support from Canadians.
Appeals for internationalist support for the Republicans.
Appeal to French workers to support the Spanish Republicans and also
prevent the spread of fascism to France.
Video/Documentary
The Good Fight: The Abraham Lincoln Brigade and
the Spanish Civil War
April 13: 100th Anniversary of the
Jallianwala
Bagh Massacre in Punjab
The Criminals Responsible for the Crime
Have Yet to Be
Brought to Justice
Commemorations at Jallianwala Bagh, April 13, 2019.
April 13, 1919. The festival of Baisaki, the Sikh New
Year.
On this day, one hundred years ago, the British opened fire on
men, women and children in Amritsar, massacring more than 1,000
and injuring many more. The Jallianwala Bagh Massacre went down
in history as one of the most heinous crimes of British rule.
Today the site commemorates all those who were murdered there
under British orders.
The First World War had already been brought to a close
with
the Armistice of November 11, 1918. The October Revolution in
Russia the previous year was a major factor in bringing peace.
The Peace Conference convened in Paris in January 1919, was to
last six months, and conclude with the signing of the Treaty of
Versailles. India had three delegates at the conference, the
Secretary of State for India, Edward Montagu, the Maharaja of
Bikaner and Lord Sinha. All three shared a vision of India
eventually governing itself, but within the British Empire, with
Sinha commenting that Britain must remain "the paramount
power."
Back in India the intellectual elite had backed the war
expecting concessions as a reward for the sacrifices made. But
they were to be bitterly disappointed. The Government of India
Act of 1919 only consolidated colonial rule.
The war had had a devastating effect on India. Besides
the
thousands of young lives lost of those conscripted to serve,
crops had failed, prices were high and a spirit of unrest was
growing. Famine had been declared in Central India. The greatest
unrest was in the Punjab. Severe hardship was occurring in the
cities. There was great anger at the seizure of foodstuffs for
the war effort under the Defence of the Realm Act. War
weariness gripped the region, which had sent the most combatants
to the front. Villages were mourning the dead and tending the
wounded.[1]
The response of the British Government was the Rowlatt
Act, passed in London in March 1919. It banned public
meetings and muzzled the press. It authorized in camera trials
without jury. Persons suspected of revolutionary activity were
imprisoned without trial for up to two years. Protests were put
down by troops with lethal force.
On April 11, 1919, General Reginald Dyer occupied
Amritsar,
imposing a curfew and banning all gatherings. A proclamation to
that effect was read out on April 13. That day was the festival
of Baisaki, the Sikh New Year. Crowds had gathered at the Golden
Temple in a festive mood. Nearby was the enclosed park called
Jallianwala Bagh. Thousands had gathered there peacefully at a
rally to discuss the Rowlatt Act and recent police
killings. As is now well known, Dyer brought armed troops in
through the single narrow entrance to the park and opened fire on
the crowd, ordering his troops to keep firing until their
ammunition was exhausted. There was no escape. Around 1,000 were
killed and some 1,500 wounded.
The Jallianwala Bagh massacre took place in Amritsar, April 13, 1919.
Today the site commemorates all those who were killed there under
British orders.
The Jallianwala Bagh massacre shocked and enraged the
country.
Barely five months from the end of the war, in which 400,000
Punjabis had fought, this was Britain's reward. Dyer was
unrepentant. The massacre was followed by the bombing of Punjab
cities, the extension of martial law and further repression. In
London, the report to the War Cabinet for that week barely
mentioned the event, simply stating that there had been "trouble"
at Amritsar where "troops were called in to restore order." No
mention was made of the killings. It was not raised at the Peace
Conference in Paris either.
The troop ships returned to Bombay and Karachi. Bands
played
but there was no heroes' welcome. Too many had died. Too many
were crippled, blind or shell-shocked. Some hospitals for the
wounded and limbless were set up, but of little help to those
returning to remote regions. Crops had failed. Unrest was rife. A
new mood of nationalism was growing in the country. The heroes
would now be those who sacrificed their lives for independence or
in the Freedom Movement. In the British official histories of the
war there would be little mention of the Indian soldiers who had
made such sacrifice.
As for those who were ploughed down in Jallianwala Bagh,
the dead bodies were identified and given to their relatives, the
injured were removed to the hospitals, and a commission of inquiry
known as the Hunter Commission was appointed. However, even though the
commission held that the shooting was unjustified and awarded
compensation of Rs.2,000 to the relatives of those who were killed and
Rs.500 to the injured in the early 1920s, it failed to punish General
Dyer or the then governor of Punjab, Michael O'Dwyer. O'Dwyer finally
met his maker when the patriot Udham Singh who had lost his entire
family in the massacre, executed him at Caxton Hall in London on March
13, 1940, for which Singh was hanged by the British in July of that
year. The British continued committing crimes in
India, including enforcing the conditions which led to the Bengal
famine of the 1940s which eliminated over three million people. After
that they partitioned India and imposed their system of rule for
Indians in their service to carry out colonial rule in their stead.
None of the promises made at the time of independence were carried out.
Today anarchy and violence prevail and India is in dire need of
revolutionary change so that its people can finally achieve peace,
freedom and democracy.
Commemorations are taking place all over the world on
this
occasion. The following poem comes to mind:
Bahrupiye Dilli Baithe
Hain Nadir or Dyer Ke
Chele
Har Shahar Bana Jalianwala, Har Zarra Khoon Se Hai
Lathpath
Phir Lal Hai Jumna Ka Paani Katil Hain Wahi Naye
Chehare
(Fraudsters are in power in Delhi, followers of Nadir
Shah and
Dyer
They have turned cities into Jallianwala, drenched soil
with innocent blood
Once again the Jamuna is red, butchers
with new faces)
Note
1. By the end of the
war, nearly one-and-a-half million soldiers and non-combatants
from India had been brought to the Western Front in Europe and to
the other theatres of war. Of these, around 70,000 were killed,
and tens of thousands more left shell-shocked, blind, crippled or
suffering other severe wounds and mental trauma. India was also
bled dry in terms of foodstuffs and other resources for the war
effort, with disastrous consequences.
(To
access articles individually click on
the black headline.)