May 2, 2020 - No. 15
The
Unaccountable Cartel
Party System of Government
CPC(M-L)'s
Guide to Action: For Us,
Accountability Begins at Home
-
Pauline Easton -
• The
Virtual
Parliament's "Accountability Sessions"
• The
"Administrative" Parliament Is No More
Accountable
Than the
"Normal" Parliament
For Your
Information
• Resolution
of the 8th Congress of
CPC(M-L) on Accountability
The Need to Set a New Direction for
the Economy
• Say
No!
to
Business as Usual in the Energy Sector
- K.C. Adams -
• Orphan
Well
Clean-Up Fund Is Another Giant
Pay-the-Rich Scheme
- Dougal
MacDonald -
Justice for Migrant Workers
• Defence
Organizations Demand Protection
for All Farm
Workers
• On the Current
Situation at Cargill in
High River, Alberta
• Critical,
but
Expendable -- Migrant Agricultural Workers
in the Time of
COVID-19
• Temporary
Foreign Workers Merit
Permanent
Residency, Not Threats!
- Diane
Johnston -
• COVID-19
and
Temporary Foreign Workers in Canada
The Right to Education
• How
to Affirm Education as a Right in
Today's Conditions
- Laura
Chesnik -
Reopening Quebec
• There Is No Return
to a Normal in Which the Democratic
Norms We Are Setting Are
Not Respected
- Pierre
Soublière -
• Pretending
There's a Choice Doesn't
Absolve Governments
of Their Responsibility
- Linda
Sullivan -
United States
• Immigration
Ban
Issued Using Pretext of Pandemic
• Immigration
and
Customs Enforcement Creates
Conditions for Outbreaks in
Detention Centres
COVID-19 Update
• On
the Global Pandemic for Week Ending May 2
The Unaccountable Cartel
Party System of
Government
- Pauline Easton -
The Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist)
is
guided by the motto For Us, Accountability Begins
at Home. This
is not the propaganda ploy of the politician who
tells his or her
electors "Trust me, I will deliver the goods." It
is, first and
foremost, a pledge taken by CPC(M-L) and all its
members that
they will be accountable to their peers and on
this basis ensure
that not only are they accountable to society but
society is
accountable to its members.
There are various
problems with the current system based on
"Trust me, I will deliver," besides the well-known
problem that
it is not true. The main problem is that it points
to an
electoral system based on disenfranchising the
electorate. It
signifies that the electors have no control over
those whom they
elect to represent them. Of course, not everyone
who says such a
thing is insincere or not well-meaning. There are
not a few naive
people who join the ranks of this or that
established political
party who truly believe such things to be true
when they run for
office. The fact that when they get into office
they are unable
to be effective in passing well-intentioned
legislation should
tell them that the problem lies with the political
process itself
and that it requires fundamental changes. CPC(M-L)
is therefore
appealing to such people, and especially to the
workers who see
no alternative, along with all Canadians, to look
into this issue
in a profound manner and discuss what the problem
is.
The notion inherent in election promises is
altogether
unacceptable, no matter whether what is promised
is good or bad.
It presupposes an electoral process which
disenfranchises the
electors by getting them to hand over their
mandate to govern to
representatives over whom they can exercise no
control. It
misrepresents reality by perpetuating the illusion
that
individual MPs can represent what they want in
Parliament. In
fact, in a system in which only political parties
are allowed to
seek power and governments are formed by the party
which wins a
majority, it is the program of the party that
forms the cabinet
which is enacted in Parliament. In a minority
situation, such as
exists at this time, a lot of horse-trading takes
place but this
does not change the fact that such parties form a
cartel party
system in the service of those who brought them to
power -- the
most powerful financial interests. There is not
one government of
Canada, since elections were first organized, that
has not
implemented the program of the vested interests
which brought it
to power.
The problem is that even though all Canadians
know
that the
elections based on "Trust me, I will deliver the
goods" are a
fraud, the idea prevails that somehow elections
hold the party in
power to account. If the people do not like what
it does, it can
be turfed out of office in the next election in
favour of another
party. Many who want to change the situation will
still act in a
naive way and decide to back those who tell them
"We are
different. We will deliver the goods "
This is why the motto of CPC(M-L) is so
significant and should
be seriously looked at by all those who sincerely
want to be
effective. The first question arises as to why
this motto is
different from any other. What does it mean? If,
as the CPC(M-L)
says, it is not a propaganda ploy, what is it?
It is a guide to action for all members of
CPC(M-L) and for
CPC(M-L) itself. What it means is that the Party
is itself a
mechanism of accountability. It is telling
Canadians that in
order to empower themselves, they should not
entrust the
important field of politics to anyone else but get
involved
themselves.
The idea that politics is the domain of
"politicians" is
itself a mechanism to keep Canadians disempowered.
Politics is
presented in a very distorted manner. The
impression is created
that in order to become a politician you have to
be a very slick
talker, you have to be a professional of some
sort, preferably a
lawyer, or an accountant or huckster from a
consulting firm or a
bank, and so on. And that it is necessary to
either have a lot of
money oneself or access to it. This means that
those who are not
independently wealthy have to have very good
connections with
those who are -- whether it is the party itself
that one will run
on behalf of, or business contacts.
This conception of politics and politicians
breeds
contempt and,
as mentioned previously, acts as a very definite
mechanism to
keep Canadians out of politics so that they leave
politics to
these politicians. The problem is so serious that
the impression
is created that nothing can be done about it. This
is the way
things are and can't be changed.
In fact, this is
not so. In the first place, this is not what
politics are. The field of politics includes
everything that
concerns the political structures of society. A
society cannot
exist without these structures because a society
must necessarily
have its instruments of government. It is the glue
that keeps it
together. What principles guide these instruments
of government
and how they function tell you who controls the
decision-making
power and hence what kind of society it is.
Today all human beings are born to society and
belong to
society. They depend on that society for their
living. The field
of living concerns all aspects of life -- how
people are able to
acquire their living and how they can pursue their
living. In
other words, it concerns their economic
well-being, their health
care, their education and their participation in
social and
cultural life. This means that just as every human
being has the
right to life, so too they have the right to
govern the society
which sets what kind of life it is and will be in
the future.
This is the field of politics.
It is a fundamental human right to participate in
governing
one's society. Not only does it not make sense to
live at the
mercy of others, but to agree to do so means to
agree to a system
which fundamentally violates one's human rights.
A study of the system of party government in
Canada shows that
the aim of political parties has become one of
seeking and
remaining in power. The role of the electorate is
reduced to that
of voting cattle. Within this process, electoral
promises are
made to hoodwink the electors and electoral
programs are
"marketed" so as to get votes and divert the
people.
CPC(M-L) does not agree with this electoral
process. It is
calling on Canadians to join its work to build a
mechanism in
which those who present themselves for election
are accountable
to the electors. The motto For Us, Accountability
Begins at Home
guides the members of CPC(M-L) to make sure their
activities will
lead to bringing these changes about. It begins
with encouraging
everyone to speak in their own name, not just
repeat what the
ruling classes tell us is important and make that
the reference
point for the conversation but to voice what
people themselves
see is necessary. Joining in to create the forums
which make
speaking in one's own name possible opens a path
to renew the
political process and for society's progress.
The Canadian Parliament has been holding virtual
"Accountability Sessions" since April 28. They are
much hyped by
official media, as well as the parties which form
the cartel party
system of government, as a form of accountability.
Keep in mind
that already the government has passed legislation
giving itself
a mandate to use exceptional powers during the
COVID-19 crisis.
Despite this, Canadians are told that the new
"accountability
sessions" are an arrangement which defends
Canada's democratic
institutions by making sure the government is held
to
account.
The House of
Commons and Senate were shut down mid-March as
part of the country-wide measures of social
distancing to slow
the spread of the coronavirus. They were initially
scheduled
to re-open on April 20 or to be further
postponed on the
basis of an all-party consensus. During a live
session of the
House of Commons on April 20, with the
participation of 37 MPs, a
government motion to adjourn the House until May
25 was passed.
Methods for in-person "accountability sessions"
were adopted (the
expression coined by Opposition Leader Andrew
Sheer) along with
those for virtual sessions. The Liberal
government's motion was adopted
by
a vote of 22 in favour to 15 against. The NDP,
Bloc
Québécois and
Green Party supported the motion. The sessions are
not considered
"normal, constitutional sittings" of the House.
They are sessions
of the COVID-19 Committee that was put in place in
March to
develop the rescue package and chaired by Chrystia
Freeland. All
338 MPs are members of the special COVID-19
Committee but in the
"live sessions" only 37-40 MPs sit at a time, with
a quorum of seven
MPs (as opposed to the usual 20).
The motion adopted on April 20 calls for one
in-person
sitting
and two virtual sittings per week -- on Tuesdays
and Thursday -- until
at least May 25. It also continues the new special
COVID-19 Committee,
now chaired by House Speaker
Anthony Rota, which will meet virtually while the
House stands
adjourned. Its first meeting was held on April 28.
It is being
billed as an opportunity for MPs to scrutinize the
government's
response to the pandemic by posing questions to
the ministers and
Mr. Trudeau, as well as giving them the ability to
present
petitions.
The method for holding votes on motions and bills
has yet to
be finalized by the House Procedures Committee.
The Senate, for its part, agreed to extend its
adjournment
until June 2.
Media report that ways are being found by the
Prime Minister,
the opposition parties, the provincial premiers
and business and
union leaders to "work things out" without a
sitting parliament.
The example is given of "positive input" by
Canadian Labour
Congress President Hassan Yussuff in direct
conversations with the
Prime
Minister and with Perrin Beatty, the head of the
Canadian Chamber
of Commerce, on the implementation of the rescue
package.
In an April 9 note, the House Speaker's office
explained why
the Chamber couldn't just hook everyone up to Zoom
and call it a
day for House business outside of committees: "The
House of
Commons has additional requirements, including,
and most
importantly, the need to ensure that the solutions
fully support
simultaneous interpretation, so that Members of
Parliament and
Canadians can follow the proceedings in the
official language of
their choice."
The Toronto Star's Jaime Watt
writes that "Real
challenges remain for the Speaker and his staff.
There are MPs
who represent rural ridings where broadband
connectivity is
spotty at best. The most popular teleconferencing
software is
insufficiently secure. Many MPs struggle with the
technology.
There is, surprisingly, no easy way to arrange for
simultaneous
translation. It is not clear if the laws of
parliamentary
privilege that protect members from defamation and
libel lawsuits
apply in the virtual realm. And, of course, other
quaint, many
would say anachronistic, customs, such as the
tradition of
directing remarks to the Speaker instead of a
specific member,
may also need to be revisited. As you can see, the
list goes on
and on....
"Yet the pressing need for checks and balances
remains. As I
wrote in this space two weeks ago, democracy is
never as
precarious as during a pandemic. The government
has already shown
itself unafraid of anti-democratic overreach. Its
attempt to
invest the Minister of Finance with sweeping
emergency powers
that would last 18 months being exhibit A. Only in
the face of
fierce public criticism, led by the opposition,
did the
government back down."
In his daily press briefing on April 20, ahead of
the vote in
the House, Prime Minister Trudeau said "I think
it's all of our
collective responsibility to do the best we can
through this
difficult situation.[...] It is really important
for me that we
continue to uphold our democracy, our democratic
principles, the
principles of accountability, the ability to move
forward with
new legislation to help Canadians. That really
matters. But it
really matters that we do so responsibly."
The Conservatives objected to the government's
motion. "Mr.
Trudeau needs to explain why he is trying to
replace Parliament
with press conferences," Interim Leader Andrew
Scheer said.
The Conservatives first proposed that live,
on-the-floor
"accountability sessions" take place four times a
week and
finally, at the time of the April 20 vote, they
settled for two
times a week in an amendment to the Liberal
government's motion,
which failed to pass.
"Conservatives continue to believe that frequent
accountability sessions in Parliament get better
results for
Canadians," Scheer said. "We have repeatedly
demonstrated how
debate, discussion and opportunities to question
the Prime Minister and
his other ministers improve government programs
and
policies."
The Toronto Star's Susan
Delacourt pointed out that
what Scheer didn't say was that various
arrangements have been
reached outside of the "accountability" sessions
in the Chamber
and "accompanying political theatrics." She said,
"This sounds an awful
lot
like democracy and accountability -- all managed
without theatrics
and tiresome political potshots," referring to the
back-and-forth between political parties on
pandemic relief which
has been happening over the phone, or in small
private meetings
on Parliament Hill, far away from the cameras,
NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh said he wants the House
to sit once a
week, which would allow Parliament to adopt
legislative
amendments and improve benefits to Canadians
affected by the
pandemic.
The Bloc Québécois and the
Green Party
consider the debate
over accountability during the pandemic a
"nuisance" and that
pressing matters brought by the health crisis
require immediate,
unencumbered action, news agencies report. Bloc
Québécois
Leader Francois Yves-François Blanchet said having
the House sit once a week, supplemented with
virtual sittings,
will still allow MPs to have a substantive debate
on the
government's measures.
Green MP Paul Manly, raised a question of
privilege in the
April 20 sitting, saying that many MPs' rights are
"violated by
any motion to proceed with regular sittings of the
House in which
they cannot participate."
Green Party parliamentary spokesperson Elizabeth
May has said
even the limited sittings held so far, involving
about 40 MPs,
felt unsafe to her because physical distancing was
difficult
within the confines of the Chamber. These sessions
also force
political staff, cleaners, translators, and
others, to come into
work when they should be staying home, she said.
She noted that she and Conservative MP Pierre
Poilievre had
become particularly adept at using the dial-in
technology to
press the government and public servants on
details of planned
legislation.
May concedes these are extraordinary
circumstances
and would
resist the first sign of government "running
roughshod" over its
political opponents. But, she says, so far that is
not the case.
"I don't think Canadians will appreciate people
and parties that
seek partisan advantage right now," she added.
"We have those daily question and answer
sessions," May said.
"I know that not all of us get our questions in
every single day.
Some of us do well."
Bloc Québécois Leader
Blanchet also prefers the
online option of House sittings in the interests
of containing
the virus. He said it was "silly" to continue
debates among MPs
over parliamentary procedures at this time. "I
don't think this
is of interest to so-called real people," he said.
"I must
confess it doesn't interest me much as well." He
said the current
discussions are showing a "disconnect" between
politicians and
the population.
The Globe and Mail's Daniel
Leblanc reports: "The
pandemic has made strange bedfellows of Canadian
politicians and
other top decision-makers from across the economy,
all engaged in
an unprecedented exercise in policy design and
implementation."
The House of Commons was adjourned on March 13
following
the advice of health officials that people avoid
large
gatherings, travel, and close interactions amid
the COVID-19
outbreak. The House partially resumed sittings in
April, with a
plan for one sitting in the House of Commons each
week, and
weekly virtual sittings as soon as the House
administration can
work through the technical barriers to holding
them, the Hill
Times
reports. Besides the limited virtual
"accountability sessions," other
virtual meetings and teleconferences have replaced
various meetings and
other functioning of Parliament and government
ministries.
According to news agency reports, all MPs and
Senators are
receiving a daily technical briefing on the
COVID-19 global
pandemic seven days a week. Daily teleconference
briefing is
coordinated by Health Minister Patty Hajdu's
office and takes
place at 4:30 pm EST. The briefings, which are
about 30-45
minutes long, started a few days after the House
adjourned in
mid-March.
In the briefing, between 10 and 12 senior public
officials
from different departments, including Health,
Finance, Global
Affairs, the Canada Revenue Agency and others,
answer questions
from Parliamentarians. If they don't have the
information to
answer a specific question, these officials take
note of
questions and provide answers the next day.
Since the suspension of the House in mid-March,
all
parliamentary caucuses have been holding virtual
weekly meetings.
The Liberal caucus holds a teleconference meeting
every day,
giving MPs an opportunity to question Cabinet
ministers and
sometimes the Prime Minister about specific
government programs
and provide them with feedback from their
constituents, the Hill
Times reports.
As for the briefings to MPs who form the Loyal
Royal
Opposition and the Senators, a Conservative MP was
quoted as
saying that technical briefings are better than
nothing, but
these briefings have very limited utility in terms
of improving
legislation or a government program. These
briefings are
presumably also designed to provide opposition MPs
a platform to
inform government ministers "of their
constituents'
concerns."
Technical briefings are useful only to understand
the
mechanical aspects of a piece of legislation, or a
government
program. They do not involve back and forth
exchanges, an NDP MP
told the Hill Times.
But Green Party Parliamentary Leader Elizabeth
May
is gushing
over the arrangement. She said that "she has been
impressed by
the briefings and the cooperation from the
government on
COVID-19, because the government pays attention to
issues raised
even by opposition MPs," the
Hill Times reported. "I get direct
personal contact [with Cabinet ministers] at a
level that's far
more than the normal when Parliament is in
session," May said.
"[T]he flow of information and the degree of
collaboration is
frankly off the charts," she said.
In addition to the daily 4:30 pm briefing,
offices
of other
Cabinet ministers, including that of Finance
Minister Bill
Morneau, also hold teleconference briefings for
Parliamentarians
to update them about the government initiatives to
mitigate the
damage caused by COVID-19, the Hill Times
reports.
Brian Masse of the NDP said that these briefings
are helpful
but are too short, not leaving enough time for all
politicians to
ask questions.
"Depending upon the group you are with, the
session could be
dominated either by the parliamentary secretary or
a Liberal that
seems to be occupying a lot of time on the phone
and eliminating
Members' time to raise questions," said Masse. "If
it's a
bureaucratic meeting, then there's no policy
direction really
formally passed on to the political direction. So,
it's for
information gathering, it's not for a two-door
process for
legislative changes."
A Conservative MP said that at least MPs can
question senior
government officials in those calls, but based on
his experience,
mostly, they don't get any information that's
exclusive or
unique, and not available through other means.
For
Your Information
8th Congress of CPC(M-L) held in Ottawa, August
2008.
GIVEN the defeat of the
Charlottetown Accord in
October 1992 clearly signified that class struggle
between the
working class and the bourgeoisie over who decides
the affairs of
the society had broken out in all earnest;
GIVEN the disequilibrium in
the parliamentary system
after the 1993 federal election that to date has
not been
re-established whereby the party system of
governance based on a
party-in-power and a party-in-opposition said to
represent the
will of the people has collapsed and deepened the
crisis of
representative democracy;
GIVEN the defeat of the
Charlottetown Accord and
disequilibrium from the 1993 federal election
opened a space for
change that the working class must occupy;
GIVEN that far from renewing
the political process to
recognize the people's right to elect and be
elected, the parties
in Parliament have engaged in one reform of the
electoral law
after another to concentrate privilege and power
in their own
hands, which has led to the further alienation of
the people's
right to govern themselves;
GIVEN that with these electoral
reforms the political
parties in Parliament have become appendages of
the state and
have formed a cartel-party system which brokers
deals behind the
backs of the people to preserve themselves through
minority
governments;
GIVEN the tendency of these
governments to enshrine
monopoly right and embroil Canada in U.S.-led
aggression and wars
of occupation, annex Canada into a North America
of the
Monopolies and enact laws that violate individual
and collective
rights;
RECOGNIZING the general
discontent with the
entire political process symbolizes that the
demands of the
people have far surpassed the possibility of their
satisfaction
through the current political process and that
this discontent
and demand for change of the political process
have become more
intense;
RECOGNIZING the demand of the
people to exercise
control over their lives by participating in
governing their
society requires that those elected to office
represent the
people and are directly accountable to them and
that this change
means a new kind of political party must come into
being that
strives to empower the electorate and not come to
power for its
own self-serving interests;
RECOGNIZING that the
cartel-party system based on
party-domination and party-privilege will continue
to obstruct
the development of political rights for all and
create an ever
more dangerous situation with the establishment of
a values-based
system violating the right to conscience and
criminalizing
political opinion on the fascist basis of
"Canadian values" that
must be accepted by all;
RECOGNIZING the need to change
the electoral law to
guarantee that no inequality based on a person's
status in
society in terms of wealth or access to levers of
political power
or influence be allowed to deny any individual's
right to
participate fully in the political process, set
the agenda for
the country, and to elect and be elected;
RECOGNIZING
the essential flaw in the Canada Elections Act
is
that it
enables political parties to exercise those
rights, which by
universal standards of human rights, are the
entitlement of all
members of the polity, and that the elimination of
this
domination and privilege of a political elite and
business
parties is crucial to the democratic renewal of
the political
process;
RECOGNIZING the fact that the
cartel-party politicians
will never legislate themselves out of existence
thereby
requiring all those who have an interest in
democratic renewal to
join together and constitute themselves a force as
worker
politicians who champion democratic renewal;
RECOGNIZING the election of
this or that party and
"coalition politics" blocks society's path to
progress since
political parties or coalitions formed to come to
power
themselves conciliate with the anachronistic
democratic
institutions whose aim is to deprive the people of
power;
RECOGNIZING that the first
step of democratic renewal
is for workers to lead the way by creating their
own mechanisms
of political change, establishing their own
agenda, and selecting
candidates to fight for their agenda from amongst
their peers --
that the line and slogans Accountability
Begins at Home! Empower the People! No
Election Without Selection!
Fund the
Process Not the Parties! Become Worker
Politicians -- Build
Renewal Committees! Elect an Anti-War
Government! present in
the most simplified and concrete way the first
steps that need to
be taken by all at this time and that workers and
their allies
organized as worker politicians is the most
effective opposition
and force for democratic renewal;
BE IT RESOLVED THAT THE 8TH CONGRESS:
1. Put the
full weight of the Party behind its program:
For
Us
Accountability Begins at Home
Empower
the
People!
No
Election
Without Selection!
Fund
the
Process Not the Parties!
Become
a
Worker Politician -- Build Renewal
Committees!
Elect
an
Anti-War Government!
2. Put the full weight of the Party behind the
building of
renewal committees:
1) established
from the ranks of peers within places of work,
educational institutions, neighbourhoods and
amongst seniors;
2) conducting
their work based on practical politics and
non-partisan mass political mobilization to unite
the people in
action for democratic renewal;
3. Provide the following mandate to the national
leader of the
Marxist-Leninist Party of Canada:
1) be
responsible for the profile of the MLPC as a party
of
Canadian renewal;
2) represent the
MLPC during and between elections at all
official functions;
3) be a resource
person available to speak at the request of
national, regional and local organizations;
4) establish a
public relations office of the National Leader
to deal with media and inquiries from the public;
5) issue
communiqués of the MLPC on a regular basis;
6) educate the
members of the MLPC and the public on the Canada Elections Act,
theories of governance and related
issues;
7) endorse all
MLPC candidates during a federal election;
8) make sure the
MLPC is at all times in conformity with the Canada Elections Act.
4. Mandate the executive of the MLPC to
consolidate the
National Office of the MLPC, renovate the website
of the MLPC,
conduct membership campaigns and go all out to
participate in
federal elections with the aim of electing an
effective workers'
opposition and anti-war government.
The Need to Set a New
Direction for the
Economy
- K.C. Adams -
The current
direction of the energy sector throughout
Canada has proved disastrous for the economy, the
environment and
those who do the work. The Trudeau government's
announcement on April
17 of
$1.7 billion to clean up orphan wells left behind
by
irresponsible owners of oil companies is further
proof of the
necessity for change. The government action seems
pathetic in the
face of the tens of thousands of layoffs in the
sector, the
economic damage to the communities affected by the
crisis, the
suffering of the people, the out-of-control market
price for oil
and natural gas that is well below the price of
production, and
the grim prospects for the future when those in
control present
business as usual as the only option.
Canadians have no control over how much oil and
natural gas
are produced, their market prices, where they are
sold and end
up, and what happens to most of the new value oil
and gas workers
produce. After years of hype of how wonderful the
future will be
for the energy sector if only Canadians produce
more and more, a
monumental crisis has gripped the sector worldwide
with
unprecedented layoffs, bankruptcies and collapse.
And the best
the Canadian ruling elite can come up with is to
clean up a
fraction of the environmental mess those who own
and control the
industry have caused and for which they refuse to
pay, and
declare business as usual when the crisis eases.
Anarchy of Production and Its Disastrous
Consequences
The economic base of the social relation in
Canada
regularly
falls into crisis. Look at the energy sector. The
sector has not
even emerged from the collapse in 2014 of market
prices for oil
and natural gas when it finds itself in yet
another even more
serious crisis. Then and now those in control
refuse to address
the recurring problems and map out a new
direction. They engage
in perseveration, constantly bleating the same
thing when life
itself has proved that what they are pushing does
not work and
needs to change.
The imperialists in control of the
already-produced value have
said that the road to prosperity is for workers to
produce more
and more oil for shipment to the U.S. and beyond
with pipelines
going south and west to tide water, and this would
secure the
future of the energy sector. The result does not
match the hype.
What good is a pipeline if no buyers exist or, if
they do, the
market price of the product is close to zero?
The anarchy and
boom and bust of uncontrolled oil and natural
gas production in the U.S. through hydraulic
fracturing has led
to unprecedented global overproduction and other
problems. The
doubling of U.S. oil and natural gas production in
just ten years
coupled with the coronavirus pandemic have
collapsed the trade
and speculation in oil and its market price is
close to zero with
no place to store the unsold production.
In Alberta, the working class faces 25 per cent
unemployment
or worse, businesses are going bankrupt and people
confront a
spectre of wrecked social programs and public
services, which
have been starved of investments for decades. The
environmental
damage left behind, which was never addressed even
when the
sector was so-called booming, poses serious risks
to the social
and natural environment. The imperialists in
control refuse to
admit that they have no solutions except more of
the same, which
is no solution at all.
The energy oligarchs cannot even control the
market price of
the precious natural resources the workers
produce. Futures
traders in Chicago and elsewhere engage in
parasitic speculation
in the trade of energy commodities worldwide. The
producers flood
the market with carbon commodities to defeat their
competitors
and then throw up their hands in disbelief when
prices collapse,
blame others for the disasters they have
participated in causing
and even call for war in the Persian Gulf as a
solution to
eliminating 25 million barrels of oil a day from
global
supply.
The response of those in control cannot be
considered serious,
only self-serving and dangerous in the extreme.
Their narrow aim
for maximum profit cannot bring under control the
immense
productive forces that have been unleashed. They
will not admit
the obvious that the imperialist system has failed
and is in one
crisis after another and the economies need a new
aim and
direction. They deny that the sellout of Canadian
resources and
their refusal to build a dynamic diverse
pro-social economy are
wrong and must be changed and that control of the
economy must be
handed over to the actual producers, to those who
do the work and
have a stake in production and its planned
distribution and are
deeply concerned for the future of their
communities and
country.
What a sad joke to suggest the way out of the
crisis is more
of the same and business as usual with endless
handouts to the
self-same energy oligarchs through government
buyouts of their
failed projects such as the Keystone XL and Trans
Mountain
pipelines, and public payments to clean up the
mess they have
left behind along with additional public money to
deal with
issues such as methane gas escaping into the
atmosphere, which
should be dealt with as a part of the normal
production
process.
The Necessity for a New Direction for the
Energy Sector
and Economy
Discussion and
exchange of views on a new direction for the
energy sector must begin now. Questions have to be
asked as to
what has happened to all the new value that the
big oil and gas
companies have expropriated. Why has that value
not gone into
building a dynamic diverse economy immune to world
prices and
demand? Why do Canadians not have any control over
how much oil
and gas they produce, where the energy commodities
go and their
market prices?
The people are not in control. The oligarchs in
control of
production and distribution are driven by greed,
which means they
cannot control the immense productive forces of
the modern
economy, the precious natural resources Canada
possesses and the
consequences of their actions. Canadians must gain
control and
come up with a new direction and aim for the
energy sector and
economy that serves their interests and humanizes
the social and
natural environment.
Discussion and Exchange of Views Must Begin
Today
Virtual forums of working people and other social
strata must
begin immediately to discuss and exchange views on
the necessity
for a new direction for the energy sector and
economy and how to
gain control over them.
Fundamental
questions must be answered as to what are the
needs of the Canadian economy for energy and how
can they be met
with Canadian production in a planned way, and
what practical
politics are necessary to bring in the New. Enough
of this
uncontrolled anarchy of production that only fills
the bulging
pockets of rich oligarchs whose sole aim is
maximum profit and
regularly leads to crisis.
Discussion and exchange of views must take place
on what
should and could be done with the immense new
value that energy
workers produce and how it could be invested in
the economy.
Demand for Canadian oil and natural gas from
outside the
country can be contracted for in a planned and
mutually
beneficial way with market prices near their
prices of production
and transportation. This means the parasites who
trade in oil and
gas markets and the global companies that produce,
sell and buy
oil and gas must be eliminated from Canada's
national and
international distribution of oil and gas.
If other countries such as the U.S. refuse to pay
prices that
match the prices of production then that is their
right, and it
is the right of Canadians not to deliver oil and
natural gas to
anyone without reaching a mutually beneficial
arrangement. Such
arrangements must not be subjected to the
interference, anarchy
and parasitism of the global oil futures markets
or any other
mechanism that the financial oligarchy has devised
to serve its
greed, parasitism and decay.
Discussion and exchange of views have to happen
with
Indigenous peoples to meet their expectations for
development and
benefit and to obtain their consent for any
industrial or other
activity in their territories.
Discussion and
exchange of views have to take place to develop
a lifestyle and enforce a Canadian standard of
living, working
conditions and security for those workers who
construct the means
of production, produce the oil and natural gas,
and refine and
transport those commodities to consumers.
Discussion and exchange of views have to occur
surrounding the
broader issues and concern for the health of the
natural
environment and what has to be done to advance the
science in
this regard.
The issue above all else is that business as
usual
in the
energy sector is finished throughout Canada from
coast to coast
to coast and working people must ensure that is
the case with
practical politics and actions with analysis. A
new direction has
to be found and implemented, a direction that
working people
themselves elaborate and control and have the
political and
economic power to implement.
- Dougal MacDonald -
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced on April
17 that
the federal government will provide $1.7 billion
in funding to
clean up abandoned oil and gas wells in the
oil-producing provinces -- Alberta, British
Columbia and
Saskatchewan to "keep people working" during the
COVID-19
pandemic. A small number of these wells are
typically called
orphan wells. The government also said it will
make a $750
million public fund available to reduce methane
emissions in the
energy sector. The fund includes $75 million to
help the offshore
industry cut emissions in Newfoundland and
Labrador.
The Issue of Orphan and Inactive Wells
Thousands of inactive and abandoned oil wells are
scattered
throughout Alberta, Saskatchewan and BC, an
environmental
liability that will cost billions of dollars to
reverse.
During the last crisis, beginning in 2014 when
the
imperialist-dictated market price for oil fell
dramatically, many
companies -- such as Lexin
Resources, Redwater Energy, Houston Oil and Gas,
and Trident
Exploration
-- simply walked away from thousands of oil wells.
The environmental
liabilities were transferred to
the public treasury with some going to Alberta's
industry-led and
funded Orphan Well
Association.
Orphan oil and gas wells are those abandoned by
developers who
have disappeared, gone bankrupt or declared they
no longer have
the financial means to pay for proper
decommissioning of the
wells. According to Finance Canada, there are
about 4,700 orphan
wells in Alberta, 600 in Saskatchewan and 350 in
British
Columbia. Alberta has another 94,000 inactive
wells, that are no
longer productive but not cleaned up, and there
are a further 36,000
inactive wells in Saskatchewan and 12,000 in BC.
An amount for the cleanup for the wells has not
been regularly
deducted from gross income while the wells are
producing or not enough
is deducted and put aside. To clean up a well
after its productive life ranges from $100,000 to
millions of
dollars, depending on the size and complexity of
the well.
A problem with the current method of hydraulic
fracturing for
both oil and natural gas is that the start-up
investment is
larger than for conventional wells and the period
of production
is far shorter, as little as six months for oil
wells in some
cases. This makes the ratio much narrower between
new value from
production and the price to bring the exhausted
well back to
acceptable environmental standards. The
Narwhal
magazine
highlights this problem with research showing that
fracked wells
regularly have a much shorter lifespan than
conventional wells,
which might be plumbed for 20 years while fracked
wells typically
only last six months to three years. The
Narwhal
says a
big problem with the fracking boom is the sheer
number of wells
that will be lying dormant after being plumbed. A
lot of those
wells actually belong to companies that are
entirely solvent yet
refuse to do the necessary environmental
remediation. The energy
sector is not communicating the true impact of the
number of
wells that are already out there that require
attention.
Restoring oil and gas wells is a multi-year
process. First,
wells need to be decommissioned, or sealed with
cement. Full
reclamation involves cleaning up contamination,
and restoring the
land to pre-activity conditions.
"Decommissioning an inactive well reduces the
likelihood that
oil, methane gas and saline water will move up
through the well
into freshwater aquifers, surface water, the
ground or the
atmosphere," wrote former BC Auditor General Carol
Bellringer in
a special report. "While the upstream oil and gas
industry is an
important component of BC's economy, it introduces
environmental
risks that result in financial liability,"
Bellringer's report
noted. "Potential contamination from oil and gas
activities can
affect ground and surface water quality, air
quality, human
health, wildlife and livestock; if operators do
not restore their
inactive sites in a timely manner, environmental
risk and
resulting financial liability will remain."
Regarding the orphan and inactive wells fund for
energy
companies, Prime Minister Trudeau said, "This is
an opportunity for us
to make
sure that Albertans are getting to work cleaning
up their
province." The government also said that private
companies in the
sector that are still engaged in production can
avail themselves
of the $73 billion wage subsidy program. The
program will pay 75
per cent of workers' wages, up to a certain
amount. Energy firms
can also apply for lines of credit through the
Business
Development Bank of Canada and Export Development
Canada, which
currently allows for loans between $15 million and
$60 million to
cover operating costs. The federal government is
also backing
loans of up to $40,000 for businesses that have a
payroll between
$20,000 and $1.5 million a year. Up to $10,000 of
the
interest-free loan is non-repayable. To date,
220,000 loans worth
$8.8 billion have been approved.
Cleaning up orphan and inactive wells using the
$1.7 billion
will employ 5,200 workers until the money is
exhausted, the
government suggests. The funding could help
improve balance
sheets of energy companies by removing some of
their
environmental liabilities, meaning they could then
borrow more
funds.
The Alberta Example
The funds from
the federal program will be delivered by the
Alberta government. The program will cover between
25 and 100 per
cent of the cost of cleanup, depending on the
company's "ability
to pay." It can be used to close wells, remove
abandoned
pipelines, and conduct environmental site
assessments. On April
24, it was announced that, beginning May 1,
Alberta oilfield
services companies can apply online for grants in
$100 million
increments. A second $100 million increment will
be released May
15 to June 15. In a nutshell, the federal
government's orphan well
program is paying the clean-up costs incurred by
the oil and gas
companies, often foreign-owned, that have made
mega-profits over
many years by exploiting Alberta's labour and
natural
resources.
Trudeau claims that the goal of the federal
funding is
to
create immediate jobs in the three provinces,
while helping
companies avoid bankruptcy. The Alberta government
has already
budgeted more than $70 million for cleanup using
similar
rationales. In reality, government funding from
both levels is
just another giant pay-the-rich scheme and in any
case is totally
inadequate. Instead of holding the energy
monopolies responsible
to clean up their own messes and enforcing the
principle upheld
by the people that "polluter pays," those in power
are using
public funds to pay for the cleanup. And the claim
of "creating
jobs" is totally disingenuous in the face of
Alberta Premier Jason
Kenney's funding cuts to Alberta school
boards that has
resulted
in the
layoff of up to 25,000 education workers.
The quoted numbers of orphan wells in Alberta
vary. A December 28, 2019 Financial Post
article
said
that Alberta's Orphan Well Association had about
3,406 orphan
wells on their "clean-up list," which are
typically on the
properties of rural landowners. The large number
of orphan wells
is mainly due to the fact that energy companies
have been allowed
to simply walk away from their responsibilities
for clean-up by
declaring bankruptcy, and many of them continue to
do so.
Noteworthy is that there are another 94,000
inactive oil and
gas wells in Alberta, some or all of which could
eventually
become orphaned. The Alberta Energy Regulator
(AER), the
provincial government body whose supposed mandate
is to ensure
provincial oil and gas development takes into
account the
protection of the environment, estimates the total
cost of
cleaning up after Alberta's oil and gas industry
could be $260
billion. The AER, which is funded by industry and
chaired by the
former CEO of the Canadian Association of
Petroleum Producers,
actually functions to streamline the approvals
process for energy
development. Rex Tillerson, CEO of ExxonMobil and
former U.S.
Secretary of State, lauded the AER's work as
"decreasing
duplication and costs and increasing efficiency."
The AER has a liability management system that is
supposed to
ensure energy companies that are allowed to drill
have sufficient
financial assets to pay for cleanup later on. If
the company's
assets are inadequate to meet environmental
liabilities, the AER
can collect and hold a security deposit in case
the company walks
away from the cleanup. Evidence shows that the
deposits collected
over the years have been grossly inadequate and
improperly
calculated. Currently, the province's own estimate
of the
eventual cleanup bill for every oil and gas well
in Alberta is
$30 billion, while the AER only holds $227 million
in financial
security deposits. This shortfall is put down to
bungling on the
part of the AER when in actuality it is just
standard operating
procedure in order to cater to the needs of the
monopolies.
Alberta's Orphan Well Association was
created in 2002 "to manage the environmental risks
of oil and gas
properties that do not have a legally or
financially responsible
party that can be held to account." Its board of
directors
includes representatives from the AER, the
provincial government,
and the Canadian Association of Petroleum
Producers, whose
vice-president is the Chair. The
Orphan Well Association maintains an inventory of
orphan wells
and collects funds to oversee the decommissioning
of wells,
however, like the AER, its current funds are
nowhere near enough
to pay the costs of clean-up. That is because the
levies on the
potential polluters have always been minuscule
compared to the
predictable costs of cleaning up after them.
Some suggest that the orphan well problem has
been
created by
the failure of the previous government to take
action, the
collection of inadequate deposits from the
monopolies, and
the failure to set a time limit for owners to deal
with inactive
wells. All this is true but neglects to mention
that the root
cause of all these deficiencies is that Alberta's
governments
operate as the salesmen for the energy industry
and have done so
for decades. The people demand an end to
pay-the-rich schemes
like the new orphan well fund and an increase in
investments in
social programs and public services to meet the
needs of the
people and to activate the economy to serve them.
The
pandemic is very damaging to the people's
interests but it is
also an opportunity for a new direction and aim
for the economy.
Canadians must fight for an economy that serves
the people and
not the rich and that humanizes the social and
natural
environment.
Justice for Migrant Workers
Organizations active in defending migrant
workers
are
stepping up their fight in defence of all farm
workers, whose
most vulnerable section is made up of over 60,000
seasonal and
temporary workers who come to Canada each year to
work in the
agriculture industry. Many arrive through federal
programs such
as the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program
(SAWP).
Last month the
federal government granted farmers the ability
to hire migrant workers throughout the pandemic,
so long as they
self-isolate for two weeks upon arrival. The
regulation, however,
does not apply to those deemed essential by public
health
officials. The federal government also shamefully
washed its
hands of the need to provide the ways and means
through which
migrant farm workers can practice social
distancing at work and
in their lodgings. Migrant farm workers are
typically given
inadequate housing that they must share with many
others. Yet the
federal government has decreed that farm
businesses are the best
positioned to provide adequate lodging in
conjunction with the
provinces.
According to a report published in July 2019 by
the Canadian
Agricultural Resources Council, the employment of
temporary
migrant workers increased from 45,600 in 2014 to
nearly 60,000 in
2017. That means migrant workers made up one-sixth
of all jobs in
the Canadian agricultural labour force. In
Ontario, 14,000
temporary migrants are hired to work in the
agricultural sector each
season. In southwestern Ontario, Leamington and
the neighbouring
municipality of Kingsville annually receive 5,000
to 6,000
workers, the vast majority of whom are from
Mexico.
For close to 20 years now, Justice for Migrant
Workers (J4MW)
has been advocating for the rights of not only
migrant, but all
farm workers and is stepping up its fight, under
the conditions
of the COVID-19 pandemic, to demand urgent
protection for these
workers.
For example, the Ontario Ford government has
announced a
wage increase and special bonuses for some of the
workers
providing front-line services during the
coronavirus pandemic,
such as certain workers in hospitals, long-term
care centres and
emergency shelters, but it has not seen fit to
include farm
workers amongst those eligible for such measures.
J4MW is
demanding to know why farm workers, one of the
most vulnerable
and essential groups, are excluded from these
income supports. In
light of recent news reports about the spread of
the virus to
agricultural operations, J4MW is demanding that
the province
undertake measures to protect the interests of
farm workers, as
well as the food supply chain.
In an April 26 press release, J4MW urges the
province and the
Ministry of Labour to undertake immediate steps to
ensure that
all farm workers can be protected from the
pandemic's spread.
According to the press release, these steps should
include the
following measures:
- extend the wage boost to include all farm
workers in
Ontario;
- provide an expedited appeals process for
migrant
workers
filing complaints with respect to occupational
health and
safety and employment standards;
- do not tie migrant farm workers to a single
employer;
- extend occupational health and safety
legislation to include
agricultural dwellings;
- strengthen anti-reprisal protections to ensure
workers are
not fired for raising health and safety concerns
or if they
become sick or are injured at work;
- develop regulations to protect workers from
heat
stress,
chemical or pesticide exposure, confined spaces,
working at
heights and other occupational hazards;
- increase proactive and snap inspections for all
farming
operations across Ontario;
- provide hazard pay, sick pay and other benefits
to recognize
the dangers associated with agricultural work;
- recognize pay based on a piece rate as an
occupational
health and safety hazard;
- develop and implement occupational health and
safety
legislation that recognizes racism and systemic
discrimination
and provides an equity analysis in determining
which categories
of workers are at greater risk of occupational
hazards;
- communicate what protocols the Workplace Safety
and
Insurance Board has in place to isolate infected
workers (and
protect uninfected workers) if there is an
outbreak in a
bunkhouse or workplace;
- end employer wage deductions for all personal
protective
equipment and develop regulations that ensure
employers provide
bathrooms, washing facilities and potable water
for farm workers
across Ontario;
- strengthen migrant worker protection against
recruitment
fees by holding employers and recruiters jointly
liable; and
- end the exclusions to holiday pay, overtime
pay,
minimum
hours of work provisions and the myriad of
regulations that deny
fairness to farm workers.
"These are
long-standing requests that farm workers have been
bringing up for decades" said Moilene Samuels, an
activist with
J4MW. "If we want to stamp out the spread of this
pandemic then
we need structural changes to address the systemic
power
imbalances that exist in our field," Samuels
added.
J4MW and many organizations fighting in defence
of
migrant
workers are also demanding that the Canadian
government provide
residency status for all migrant workers.
The press release quotes University of Windsor
law
professor
Dr. Vasanti Venkatesh. He notes that "migrant farm
workers have
been the lynchpin of the harvesting season and
their
contributions have become more crucial than ever
as they provide
Canada with food security during the pandemic.
Yet, it is during
harvesting season that the workers are given [the]
least
protection, as they work numerous overtime hours
without pay
under hazardous living and working conditions."
Venkatesh also notes that "the structural
inequities in
agriculture work are exacerbated under the twin
forces of the
pandemic and harvesting pressures. It has
therefore never been
more imperative to provide the workers with all
the rights and
protections. Farm employers are receiving several
benefits in the
form of subsidies and other grants and other
regulatory
exemptions. It is time that the workers receive
the benefits that
are due to them and are valued for their essential
labour."
Nine hundred and
eight of the 2,000 workers at the Cargill
plant in High River, Alberta have now tested
positive for
COVID-19, with 631 declared recovered. At least
seven workers are
in hospital and five are in intensive care. One
Cargill worker
and a close contact have died. There are 1,385
cases of COVID-19
in High River, which has a population of less than
14,000. High
River is about 60 kms south of Calgary, and
Cargill workers live
in Calgary as well as High River. The situation is
also extremely
serious at the JBS plant in Brooks, which has 390
confirmed cases
and 456 cases in the community. When added
together, 42 per cent
of all of Alberta's cases are linked to these
plants that are owned by
giant foreign monopolies who control the
meatpacking industry and
together process 70 per cent of Canada's beef.
The High River plant was closed two weeks ago,
after workers stayed away
in large numbers. Despite the number of workers
testing positive
growing day by day, Cargill has announced that the
plant will
re-open on Monday, May 4. In response, United Food
and Commercial
Workers (UFCW) Local 401 has sought a stop work
order from
Alberta Occupational Health and Safety and filed
an Unfair Labour
Practice Complaint, naming both Cargill and the
Government of
Alberta as respondents.
The Alberta government states that it requires
essential
services, including food processing, to abide by
social distancing
guidelines and other measures to limit the spread
of coronavirus.
However, Cargill was allowed to continue to force
workers to work
elbow to elbow under the guise that the company
was doing what
was "possible," to harass workers to come to work
even if they
were ill, and to provide personal protective
equipment, such as face
shields, to the supervisors but not the workers.
Cargill said in a statement April 29 that it had
the support of
Alberta Health Services and Occupational Health
and Safety to
reopen. The union points out that they said it was
safe when
there were 38 workers who had tested positive.
UFCW Local 401
called for closure of the plant at that time, but
it took 18 days
before the plant was finally closed.
A representative of Migrante reports that there
are about 500
temporary foreign workers at the plant. UFCW has
negotiated clauses in its collective agreement
requiring the
employer to nominate temporary foreign workers for
the Provincial
Nominee Program for permanent residency, on the
basis Good Enough
to Work, Good Enough to Stay. The majority of the
workers there are either current or former
temporary foreign workers,
with the majority coming from the Philippines,
while there are others from
all over Asia, Africa and Latin America.
UFCW Local 401 has
published on its website the results of a survey
of the workers, conducted in four languages, to
which 600
responded. Two questions were posed to the
workers: 1) Do you
think the plant should re-open? and 2) Are you
afraid to go to
work? The website reports that 80 per cent of the
workers have
said No
to re-opening on May 4, and 85 per cent said they
fear
for their well-being and that of their families if
they go back
to work.
UFCW Local 401 President Tom Hesse has made it
clear that although
the union recognizes that it is illegal to take
strike action
during the life of a collective agreement, workers
have a right
to refuse unsafe work. Workers at Cargill are very
aware of their
right to refuse unsafe work, and the union will
support workers
who exercise that right, he said.
Hesse has issued the following statement on the
union's legal
moves:
"Cargill and the Government of Alberta have
ignored our calls
for a worker-centred approach to ensuring the
plant is safe.
Alberta Health Services inspection reports have
not been shared
with us, and Occupational Health and Safety
inspections have
omitted the serious concerns we have raised.
"The whole point of having a union is for
powerful,
unqualified representation. One of the reasons
that unions exist
is to promote and defend the right to workplace
health and
safety.
"It is our
objective and role to use every legal avenue
available to us to keep the Cargill High River
plant closed until
we are able to ensure the safety of workers
employed there and
that their voices have been heard.
"Food workers are afraid to go to work in the
current
environment. They lack the economic security they
need to
recover, and they are terrified of bringing this
illness to their
families and communities. While they try to
recover, their
employer and government are telling them to get
back to work.
This recklessly endangers their lives and puts the
interests of
their bosses first...."
It is reported that a meeting finally
took place on May 2 in the plant with the union
and Alberta
Health Services present.
Speaking to CBC on May 2, Hesse informed that an
emergency
hearing is being held at the Alberta Labour
Relations Board to
prevent the plant from opening on May 4, adding
that it is not
known how long the process will take. A request
made by UFCW on
April 30 to the Alberta Occupational Health and
Safety Department
to issue a stop work order to close the plant has
not been
met.
Hesse went on to recount the experience of
workers at a U.S.
meat processing plant, which reopened after being
closed for two
weeks, and COVID-19 infections doubled and workers
died. The
union does not want that to happen here, and with
the
Cargill plant having the largest work-related
outbreak in North
America, the plant must not re-open until
everything is put in
place so that the workers can return safely.
No civilized country would send its workers back
to work under
these circumstances, Hesse added. He said that if
the legal
proceeding fails, a large number of workers will
refuse to work
in an unsafe workplace and the union is
counselling them on
their rights on this issue.
TML
Weekly is
reprinting excerpts from an April 21 article
written by Chris
Ramsaroop, an organizer with
Justice for Migrant Workers (J4MW) and instructor
in the
Caribbean Studies Program at the University of
Toronto, and Kevin
Edmonds, a member of the Caribbean Solidarity
Network
and Assistant Professor also in Caribbean
Studies at the
University of
Toronto. It addresses some of the conditions
experienced by
migrant farm workers at this time, in the
conditions of the COVID-19
pandemic.
***
Starting in 1966,
Jamaican migrant farm workers have been
employed in Canada under the auspices of the
Commonwealth
Seasonal Agricultural Workers (SAWP) program, a
government labour
scheme that imports thousands of Caribbean and
Mexican workers to
Canada to meet the labour needs of Canada's
powerful and wealthy
agricultural lobby. This migrant workforce
consists of
approximately 60,000 people, and their occupations
in the
agricultural industry have been designated as
essential
businesses.
Over the last month since Canada closed its
borders,
agricultural lobby organizations have orchestrated
a massive
lobbying strategy with their political allies,
creating the
mythology of a food crisis if Canada did not open
its borders to
meet the needs of farmers. As the Canadian
Agricultural Minister
recently pointed out, Canadians were not in
jeopardy of
starving. Much of the labour that today is deemed
essential is to
meet the needs of an ever expanding
export-oriented agricultural
industry. For example, the same lobby that
emphasizes domestic
labour and food shortages today was silent when
thousands of
acres of fruit and vegetable producing greenhouses
were converted
into cannabis production.
[...]
Since the closing of Canada's borders, Justice
for
Migrant
Workers has received multiple calls from farm
workers in Canada
as well as those who are waiting to return to
work. In Canada,
migrant workers are complaining about differential
treatment
where migrant workers are confined to farms and
not allowed to
leave the employer's premises while their Canadian
counterparts
face no such restrictions. Many workers are
expressing concern
that there is no space to physically distance at
work, they are
not being provided personal protective equipment
and are faced
with crowded housing arrangements.
For workers who have recently arrived, during the
14-day
quarantine period migrants are supposed to be paid
for 30 hours
a week during the quarantine. We have heard
threats of employers
calling this a loan that needs to be paid back,
undertaking
different schemes to try to recover costs,
including paying for
groceries. It seems that even during this
pandemic, some bosses
are trying to curb whatever minimum safeguards
migrant workers
should be provided with during the quarantine.
For workers who
are stuck all over the Caribbean, the
desperation fills their voices. Many are outraged
that in their
time of unemployment, Canada's Employment
Insurance system and
the recently announced Canadian Emergency Response
Benefit is not
available to them despite their paying millions
into the Canadian
system over decades. Many hear the words
"essential worker"
confirming how integral farm workers are to
society, but are
angered by the seeming doublespeak when it comes
to a group of
workers who are so important but who even or
especially now are
denied basic protections that Canadian workers
enjoy.
For all migrant workers, whether in the Caribbean
or Canada,
there is an overall fear of speaking out about
unsafe working
conditions, as it has long been used as a
disciplinary tool to
intimidate "troublemakers." For those who remain
quiet, they are
accepting dangerous conditions not out of
ignorance, cowardice or
carelessness. It is a coping mechanism to ensure
survival under
precarious conditions. Workers feel that coming to
Canada is not
a choice. If they do not come their families
starve and if they
come to Canada they risk serious injury, illness
and death.
J4MW
has long raised concerns regarding the power that
employers have
to 'repatriate' workers to their home country when
they exert
their rights or become sick. Prior to COVID-19,
thousands of
migrant workers have returned home sick, injured
and disabled as
Canada has taken no responsibility for ailments
suffered while
working in Canada. Given the dangers frontline
workers face from
COVID-19, there must be zero tolerance for this
kind of
intimidation. Employers must respect the duty of
workers to
report any outbreak in the bunkhouse or workplace
and the rights
of workers to refuse unsafe working conditions. No
worker who
falls ill or reports an outbreak should be sent
home.
Today's global economic crisis should also serve
as a wakeup
call on how we structure income supports for
migrants. As
thousands of migrant workers are facing spiraling
poverty, we
firmly believe that migrant workers, whether in
Canada or not,
should have access to Employment Insurance and
other income
supports. If so many of our essential workers must
cross the
border, it is time to think of income supports as
portable beyond
borders as well.
Often employed
under dirty, dangerous and deadly working
conditions, we need to move beyond platitudes to
ensure that no
injured or sick worker is forgotten during this
crisis, and that
the necessary resources and support are accorded
to them to
protect their health and well-being at this
particular moment.
This pandemic calls for transformative changes to
answer the
demands that migrant workers are raising on a
daily basis. All of
this can be addressed today through the
implementation of
pro-worker legislation in order to ensure
fairness, respect and
decency for migrant farm workers.
Until this happens, those of us
in the Diaspora, as well as those in the
Caribbean, must demand
that our respective governments put increased
protections for
migrant workers in place. Support the work of
Justice for Migrant
Workers and the Caribbean Solidarity Network to
achieve this. We
recognize the importance of the SAWP program to
migrant workers,
their families and their communities, but no one
should be
risking their life to earn a pay cheque.
(The full text
of the article is available here.)
- Diane Johnston -
While it has abandoned its international
humanitarian commitments by denying access to
asylum seekers crossing
irregularly into Canada, the Trudeau Liberal
government has
exempted temporary foreign workers from
restrictions at its
borders, but threatens to use police powers
against
them.
In
2016 a total of 613,200 work permits were issued
by the
federal government to temporary foreign workers,
in all its programs
combined. Of that number, 129,000 went to workers
in the following four
programs: 25,700 to those in the "Humanitarian and
Compassionate"
program, 3,700 to those in the
"Other OWP [Open Work Permit]" program,
77,800 to the
"Low-skill
ESWP [Employer-Specific Work Permit] program and
21,800 to the
"Multiple type work permit holders, or holders of
an
employer-specific work permit without an
identified skill level."[1]
Over the years, countries with low levels of
economic
development and social stability have been the
main sources of
temporary foreign workers in the federal
government's Live-In
Caregiver Program, Seasonal Agricultural Worker
Program, and the
Low-Skill Pilot. In all these programs, foreign
temporary
workers have had a high tendency to stay longer or
come back
after leaving for a few months,[2]
as the jobs they perform are recurring.
In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, a letter
dated April 1,
2020, signed by federal Health Minister Patty
Hajdu and
Employment Minister Carla Qualtrough, addressed to
the employers
of these workers, describes the measures the
government has taken
to facilitate their access "to this important
labour supply, in
recognition of the vital role these workers play
in supporting
food security and other industries critical to the
Canadian
economy." The ministers justify the government's
threats against
these workers as "doing whatever it takes to
protect the health
and safety of Canadians during this unprecedented
public health
crisis."[3]
Absent here is
any expression or concern for the health and
safety of these
workers.
Considering temporary foreign workers first and
foremost a commodity, the letter
informs employers of the "obligations that will be
imposed on temporary foreign workers arriving
in Canada
pursuant to the Emergency Order PC number
2020-0175 made under
section 58 of the Quarantine Act." It
continues:
"Further, a person who
causes a risk of imminent death or serious bodily
harm to another
person while wilfully or recklessly contravening
this Act or the
regulations could be liable for a fine of up to
$1,000,000 or to
imprisonment of up to three years, or to both. We
are also
assessing options for penalties for employers of
foreign
nationals under other regulatory regimes, such as
the Immigration
and Refugee Protection Regulations, given the
severity of our
concern for the health of Canadians."[4]
"It is important that you know that penalties of
up to $750,000
can be levied against a temporary foreign worker
for
non-compliance with an Emergency Order made under
the Quarantine
Act," the ministers state.
The letter notifies employers that:
"Temporary Foreign Workers arriving by air will
undergo
mandatory health checks prior to boarding and an
assessment upon
arrival in Canada. If your employee has symptoms
before boarding,
they will not be permitted to travel to Canada.
"If they have symptoms upon arrival,
they will be
placed in quarantine at the point of entry or be
sent to the
hospital depending on the severity of condition.
Once they have
recovered, their admissibility will be assessed
and, if
applicable, they may be permitted to travel
onwards to their
employment.
"If they do not have symptoms upon
arrival (referred to
as asymptomatic) and meet the entry requirements,
they will be
permitted to travel onwards in a private vehicle
to their housing
where they must self-isolate for 14 days.
"If they become symptomatic following
arrival at their
Canadian residence, they must be isolated from
others and local
public health should be contacted immediately for
direction. Your
local public health authority will provide advice
for the
individual as well as any close contacts. This
obligation
continues following the end of the mandatory
self-isolation
period."
The letter concludes, "Employers
are responsible for monitoring the health of
employees and
reporting to local health authorities anyone who
becomes
symptomatic. This includes temporary foreign
workers as well as
others that you may employ."
Many of the jobs that temporary foreign workers
are hired for,
including providing care, working on farms and in
fields as well
as in meat-packing plants, have very few takers on
the domestic
market because of poor wages and untenable working
conditions.
Temporary foreign workers often accept these jobs
in the hope of
being able to permanently settle here to secure a
better future
for themselves and their families. Yet governments
in Canada of various
stripes continually change the rules of the game,
depriving them of that right.
These
same governments present the situation faced by
temporary foreign
workers as one governed by rules and claim they
are covered by
federal and provincial minimum labour standards,
that they have
access to many social programs and public
services, as well as a
path to permanent residence. However, the
objective conditions of
servitude under which they work are left to the
dictate of the
employer. Repeatedly, their rights are subject to
abuse,
including their fundamental right to collectively
organize in
defence of their rights which is compromised by
the threat of being
returned to their home country.
Governments in Canada are responsible for keeping
these workers in
a vulnerable position and open to abuse, by
refusing to abolish
their temporary status. So long as their rights
are deprived of a
guarantee, their dignity as workers is also denied
and their
precarious status maintained. Governments must be
held accountable for
the conditions these workers are forced to endure.
The "vital
role these workers play in supporting food
security and other
industries critical to the Canadian economy"
merits due
compensation, beginning with permanent residency
status, if these
workers and their families so desire. They deserve
nothing
less!
Note
1. Statistics
Canada,
Temporary Foreign Workers in the Canadian Labour
Force:
Open Versus Employer-specific Work Permits,
Table 1.
2. How
Temporary
Were Canada's Temporary
Foreign Workers?, Statistics Canada, January 29,
2018.
3. Letter
from
Ministers to employers -- Temporary Foreign
Workers -- COVID-19,
April 1,
2020.
4. Emergency
Order
PC number 2020-0175 made under section 58
of the Quarantine Act.
Travel to Canada is currently being restricted
for all
foreign nationals coming from any country except
for certain
groups such as temporary foreign workers. The
Government of
Canada's Emergency Order under the Quarantine
Act
requires
them to isolate for 14 days if they have symptoms
of COVID-19 or
to quarantine themselves for 14 days if they are
asymptomatic, to
limit the spread of COVID-19.
Upon arrival, they are required to confirm that
they have a
suitable place to isolate or quarantine, where
they will have
access to basic necessities, such as food and
medication.
Travellers who do not have an appropriate place in
which to
isolate or quarantine themselves must go to a
place designated by
the Chief Public Health Officer of Canada. They
are also required
to wear a non-medical mask or face covering to
proceed to their
final destination where they are required to
isolate or
quarantine, and are to be provided with a mask if
they do not
have one.
In Canada, temporary foreign worker programs are
regulated by the federal government and allow
employers to hire foreign
nationals on a temporary basis to fill gaps in
their workforce. Quebec
and each province and territory also has its own
set of policies that
affect the administration of the programs. Year in
and year out, Canada
depends on hundreds of thousands of migrant
workers to bolster its
economy and to support its agricultural, homecare,
and other lower-wage
sectors. In 2016 there were about 200,000
temporary foreign workers
with employer-specific work permits, who could
only work for the specified
employer, and around 20,000 workers, mainly women,
working under the
Caregivers Program. The path to immigration for
these workers has been
narrowing, with fewer work permits for the low
wage sector, and fewer
workers being accepted as permanent residents and
as a result the
number of undocumented workers has increased.
Undocumented workers live
an even more precarious existence and are even
more vulnerable to abuse
by employers, and lack the most basic rights like
health care.
Close to 50,000 workers come to Canada each year
under
the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SWAP).
Documented cases of abuse
and rights infringements against these workers
include inadequate
housing, poor access to health care, inability to
collectively bargain,
family separation, illegal recruitment fees, and
cases of violence and
sexual abuse. There were also more than 600,000
people with open work
permits, the majority of whom held post-graduation
work permits,
followed by the "International Experience Class"
-- which is limited to workers 18 to 35 years of
age
from designated countries who must pay for their
own health care
through private insurance, and have no path to
permanent residency.
Some of Canada's temporary foreign worker
programs
can
be considered specific bilateral agreements
between
nations, such as the SAWP, which was
first
introduced in 1966 in an agreement with Jamaica.
Under the SAWP,
migrant workers cannot seek employment outside
their work
contract and cannot apply for permanent resident
status other
than through a very restricted three-year pilot
program launched in
the summer of 2019, which requires, among other
things,
12 months of full-time, non-seasonal Canadian work
experience in
the Temporary Foreign Worker Program.
To date, Canada has not signed and ratified the
United Nations
International Convention on the Protection of the
Rights of All
Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families,
adopted by the
United Nations General Assembly on December 18,
1990. It is the
only international instrument specifically drafted
to protect the
rights of migrant workers. It entered into force
on July 1,
2003.
On December 10, 2018, on the occasion of the 70th
anniversary
of the United Nations' adoption and proclamation
of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, Canada, along
with 163 other UN member states, adopted the
Global Compact for
Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. The Compact
does not create
any right to migrate, nor does it place any
imposition on states. It
does not constitute so-called 'soft' law,
nor is it legally binding. In addition, it
expressly permits
states to distinguish -- as they see fit --
between regular and
irregular migrants, in accordance with existing
international
law.
The Right to Education
- Laura Chesnik -
What is being
revealed this May Day is the extent to
which the economy is social in nature. Each part
relies on the
others. A healthy population is the basis of any
economy,
following which is the provision of child and
elder care, and
education as well as research. Without a healthy
and educated
workforce the modern economy cannot function,
which means workers
are the basis for the immense value currently
extracted as profit
by the monopolies.
The demands of certain monopolies to "re-start"
or
"open the
economy" is not a recognition of this fact.
Instead it is a
narrow and self-serving demand that the health and
well-being of
the people should continue to be sacrificed so
that they can
continue to make their profits. The working
class is being
pressured to take up the
demand of the monopolies to re-start on the basis
of a doom and
gloom mentality that if we don't do it now, the
sky will fall.
This is to try to overwhelm the working class and
people and keep
them from working out their own discussion and
framework for how
the economy should be run going forward. The issue
is being
reduced to "to re-start or not to re-start." This
is a false
choice. The issue is how to slow the spread of the
virus until a
vaccine can be produced and to work out an
economic recovery that
favours the people. This is what we need to work
out.
When discussing education, one of the major
features of the
ruling class is to discuss the youth as a problem
holding back
the workforce as they require care at home. This
itself shows
that child care and education, simply on the basis
of having them
publicly available, free up massive human
resources that can
contribute to building the economy. The economy
cannot actually
re-start without these services being up and
running. How to
re-start them in a manner that favours the
long-term interests of
the society as a whole, and the youth in
particular, and not as a
knee-jerk reaction to the demands of the
monopolies is what must
be put at centre stage.
Education is
intimately linked with other areas of the economy
by virtue of the fact that the youth are part of
the society and
the society has responsibilities towards them and
their
well-being. The starting point of any re-start of
the education
system has to affirm the right of the youth to
education. This
necessarily means the right of those who provide
it and of the
youth themselves to a say over how that re-start
begins as it is
their lives and futures that are at stake. In this
process, the
teachers and education workers, as individuals and
through their
unions and health and safety committees in the
workplace; youth,
as individuals and through their student councils;
and parents,
as individuals and through parent committees; as
well as locally
elected trustees, have a right to a say over how
schools are
re-started, and to be part of decision-making.
This is the only
way to implement measures that will be truly
respected and upheld
by those expected to follow the rules. The youth
especially must
be empowered to have a say in the process so that
they can be
part of setting the guidelines that they will have
to live by.
This is an important method to train them in
taking up their
individual and social responsibility, working as a
collective and
learning together.
The World Health Organization (WHO) specifically
recommends
that educators "integrate disease prevention and
control in daily
activities and lessons. Ensure content is age-,
gender-,
ethnicity-, and disability-responsive and
activities are built
into existing subjects." The situation is not to
be used simply
to dictate orders using fear or threats, but to
involve the youth
in seeing how rules and regulations should serve
the society and
contribute to their well-being, and that if they
play a role in
developing them and arguing them out, they can
play their role
for themselves and for their families. The WHO has
also noted in
this respect that schools play a vital role in the
dissemination
of public health information that can help stem
the spread of the
virus. Venezuela's experience in using its
national ID card
portal to send surveys to citizens for responses
and then
immediately send teams to investigate possible
infections door to
door should be considered here. Schools can play a
role in
individualized symptom recognition and treatment
once treatments
are readily available and for administering
vaccinations once
these are available. In other words, schools are
not simply a
holding cell for children; they are a vital link
connecting
public campaigns and programs and the population
as a whole.
The WHO provides the following principles to help
stop the
spread of COVID-19 in schools:
- Sick students,
teachers and other staff should not come to
school.
- Schools should enforce regular hand washing with
safe water and soap, alcohol rub/hand sanitizer or
chlorine
solution and, at a minimum, daily disinfection and
cleaning of
school surfaces.
- Schools should provide water, sanitation
and waste management facilities and follow
environmental cleaning
and decontamination procedures.
- Schools should promote
social distancing (a term applied to certain
actions that are
taken to slow down the spread of a highly
contagious disease,
including limiting large groups of people coming
together).
Some matters to consider:
Child Care
First and foremost, without child care being
provided on a
universal basis for children in kindergarten to
grade 8 in
advance of any reopening it will be very difficult
to reopen
anything as parents will be required to stay at
home. (Ontario
has a minimum age of 16 to stay home alone,
however most social
service agencies recommend 12). Child care for
pre-school
children must also be sorted out to ensure it is
provided safely.
Without child care for teachers and education
workers whose
children are not of school age it will be
difficult for schools
to re-open. So the conditions in child care
facilities are the
first to consider -- making sure they are proper
and safe,
otherwise the rest will break down.
Public Transit
Another major issue is the need for increased
investments in
public transportation. Large numbers of youth get
to school on
public transit and school buses. To ensure
adaquate physical
distancing, a large increase in public transit
services is
required to prevent large line-ups and packed
vehicles. More
staff are required to ensure proper cleaning of
transit services
after each route. This is something transit
workers themselves
are demanding as they can see how the lack of
public transit
actually harms human health, including their own.
Role for Schools in COVID-19
Surveillance
Schools need to be set up as part of a primary
contact for the
health care system. By having each school
outfitted with a small
clinic staffed by a nurse or nursing student,
symptom-monitoring
can be led and carried out in the first period
class or even by
taking temperatures as students and staff first
arrive at school.
Students or staff who show any symptoms can
immediately be sent
to the clinic for further examination and testing
for the
infection to improve treatment outcomes and reduce
the spread.
Social Distancing Measures
WHO provides the following guidelines:
- Staggering the
beginning and end of the school day
-
Cancelling assemblies, sports games and other
events that create
crowded conditions.
- When possible, creating space for
children's desks to be at least one metre apart.
- Teach and
model creating space and avoiding unnecessary
touching.
Before
the COVID-19 outbreak, class sizes went against
what we
see now as appropriate distance measures to
prevent the spread of
infectious disease. Thus, one important matter for
any re-start
is to limit the proximity of students so that
rates of infection
are limited. This also means providing proper
masks for all students
and staff to wear in school and for going to and
from school so the
spread of micro-droplets is limited. Canada
had 5,609,007 students enrolled in
elementary-secondary education
in 2018. This would require approximately
28,000,000 masks per
week for the students alone if using disposable
masks. Washable
masks could be used but would have to be properly
washed at
school to ensure washing is not left to chance.
Proper cleaning of schools will require greater
investments
in custodial staff so that after each school day
all surfaces are
cleaned thoroughly -- especially common areas such
as doorknobs
and desks.
New regimes can be put in place for hand washing
and cleaning
so that this also is not left to chance. This
would mean a
morning hand washing routine at stations set up
outside of
schools which is repeated when students and staff
leave.
The main thing is that the process should be
started very
slowly with intense monitoring and feedback to
medical and health
authorities so that changes can be made on a
day-to-day basis.
This means a connection between each school and
the local health
unit. Health and safety representatives of the
workers at each
school should be freed up to meet daily to oversee
the
implementation of safety protocols. This means
establishing that
the health and safety committee in each school has
to be
empowered to collect information and relay it to a
school
board-wide health and safety committee that would
work directly
with the local public health authorities and
local, provincial
and federal levels of government to ensure that
all necessary
measures are taken.
Reopening Quebec
- Pierre
Soublière -
The process to reopen Quebec has been announced
and workers
and their organizations are putting forward what
they need, as
frontline and essential workers have been doing
since the
beginning of the pandemic. They are demanding that
their needs in
terms of protective measures and equipment be met,
that they
actively participate in the decision-making and
they are stating
that they do not intend to go back to the
conditions which
prevailed before the pandemic.
Referring to the
Quebec government's plan to open elementary
schools and daycares as of May 14 in regions other
than Montreal,
the president of a teachers' union in the
Outaouais stated:
"Yesterday's schools are not those which will open
in May." She
added: "The plan must not be elaborated without
having consulted
teachers, without them having seen the plan and
improved it. The
more we are listened to, the better the reopening
will be."
Similarly, the president of the school staff union
stated: "We do
not seem to be considered in this debate, but in
the end, it is
our people who will be running the daycares, the
administrative
services and school maintenance."
In preparation for the reopening, several
committees were set
up at the government's request and their
recommendations were to
have been put forward at the beginning of May. But
Premier
Legault announced that he is going to consult his
"caucus" as
well as the "three opposition leaders who in turn
will consult
their members of the National Assembly" and that
was that.
In this period of social distancing, perhaps we
should take a
few steps back from these institutions that are
said to be
representative, yet which turn their backs on us
at such critical
times to continue taking decisions behind closed
doors and,
somehow, expect to impress us by "consulting
opposition leaders."
Let's take a moment to think about all the times
we have put
forward and stood by our demands to better our
working
conditions as well as the services we provide,
whether against
cutbacks in health care, education and social
services or
against the neo-liberal, anti-social offensive.
Inevitably, no
matter how obviously just and necessary our
demands, governments
and media go into a frenzy. The same old refrains
-- "unions are
corporatist," "the workers are taking the
population hostage,"
"the economy is going to collapse" -- are dished
out and
everything is done to isolate workers and make
sure that nothing
comes of their demands. Often times, laws are
passed which even
prohibit any form of collective action.
Now a deadly
virus and the life and death struggle being waged
against it to protect the whole of society has
brought to the
fore in an undeniable way that the working
conditions of teachers
are, in fact, the learning conditions of students;
and the
working conditions of health care workers are, in
fact, the
conditions for the well-being of the population.
The same can be
said not only of all public sector workers but of
workers of all
sectors of the economy, and that workers are
essential to the
functioning of their communities and society as a
whole.
Governments are acting in the old way towards
workers in spite of
what the times are revealing. This is in large
part due to the
fact that, within the realm of their authority,
they do not share
the same conditions as those who do the work.
The initiative is therefore in our hands. In a
matter of
weeks, the crucial role we play in society has
become crystal
clear. Those who have been working and fighting
for years, may
not even have realized it themselves, until now.
We see the
gigantic social responsibility we have, a noble
one, one which is
so great that it is perhaps even difficult at this
time to
perceive it in all its magnitude. But we will, as
long as during
this period and beyond, we stick to our stand that
no decisions
can be taken without workers participating in the
decision-making
process! No return to a normal in which the new
democratic norms
we are setting are not respected!
- Linda Sullivan -
The Legault government
has announced dates for the reopening of Quebec
elementary schools and
daycares and has
assured parents that they have the "choice" to
send their children to
school or not. Since
Legault first announced the possible reopening
three weeks ago, a
petition calling on the
government to keep schools and daycares closed
until September has
received nearly 300,000
signatures.[1]
The government has invoked many high ideals as to
why schools should be
reopened -- from educating our children, allowing
them to socialize,
run around and get out
of the house, to not leaving special needs
children at a greater
disadvantage, exposing
domestic abuse that is caught by teachers and
otherwise goes unseen,
and contributing to herd
immunity. All of these very compelling reasons for
sending children to
school highlight that
the education system has been forced to make up
for the failings of
society after decades of
destructive cuts to social services.
In addition to an
education, the school system provides meals and
snacks to food-insecure
children. Since 2018, the government has been
funding a breakfast
program for 180,000
preschool and elementary school children at 700
schools across Quebec
that fall within a
qualifying socio-economic index. Schools provide a
structured
environment for learning,
socialization and exercise and a much needed break
for those who live
in overcrowded,
inadequate and unsafe housing. However, pitting
the threat posed by
COVID-19 to the health
and safety of Quebeckers against threats to their
mental and physical
safety due to lack of
social resources is no choice at all.
The government says it trusts employers to discuss
with workers who
have children and come
to an agreement about any return to work. How will
employers fill the
positions of workers
who do not return to work because they or their
children have
compromised immune systems?
Will people have to "choose" between going back to
work or losing their
job? If someone
refuses to go to work out of concern for their own
safety or because
they don't want to send
their children to school, will Employment
Insurance (EI) cover them or
will they be
considered as having voluntarily left their job
and lose both their job
and EI benefits? Many
parents are already under financial stress from
being on EI or mental
stress from having to
work from home with their children present. One
can only conclude that
schools are in fact
being reopened for those who do NOT have a choice.
According to the World Health Organization, the
following six
conditions should be
established before a lockdown situation is ended:
1. Disease transmission is under control,
2. Health systems are able to "detect, test,
isolate and treat every
case and trace every
contact,"
3. Hot spot risks are minimized in vulnerable
places, such as nursing
homes,
4. Schools, workplaces and other essential places
have established
preventive measures,
5. The risk of importing new cases "can be
managed," and
6. Communities are fully educated, engaged and
empowered to live under
a new normal.
The Legault government says Quebec is meeting
these conditions, but
repeating it does not
make it so. Is saying that there are "plenty of
hospital beds for those
who get sick" supposed
to be reassuring? The reality is quite the
opposite in Montreal where
two major hospitals
(Sacré-Coeur and Maisonneuve-Rosemont) are
presently dealing
with major outbreaks of
COVID-19 in the majority of their wards, to the
point that they have
had to transfer patients
not infected with COVID-19 to other hospitals.
Parents, teachers
and everyone involved in education are rightly
concerned about the
measures
that must be in place to ensure a safe return to
work and school.
Considering that this
government has consistently refused to consult
anyone who has to
implement the measures it
dictates, and considering the sorry state of the
education system under
non-pandemic
conditions, it is not confidence-inspiring.
The situation is complex and the people are doing
everything in their
power individually and
within their collectives -- such as through their
unions, community
organizations and
neighbourhoods -- to stay healthy and safe while
helping to get the
economy and life moving
again. However, the situation is far from being
under control. This
government's tendency is
to blame the people for not adhering to guidelines
while refusing to
look at its own record,
for example requiring health care workers to
frequent many health
establishments, thereby
greatly contributing to the spread of the virus.
How can we rely on a
system of governance
based not on the health and well-being of
society's members, but on the
profit motive, which,
17 years after the SARS epidemic, has left us
without the personal
protection equipment we
need to survive the pandemic. Discussing our
rights, demands and
alternatives is imperative to
open the path for progress so we never again face
this kind of
situation.
Note
1. This petition,
which has been circulated in French, can be found here.
United States
On April 22, President Trump issued an executive
order
entitled, "Proclamation Suspending Entry of
Immigrants Who
Present Risk to the U.S. Labour Market During the
Economic
Recovery Following the COVID-19 Outbreak." The
order went into
effect at 11:59 pm April 23. It is in force for 60
days, and may
be renewed.
In the proclamation, the Trump administration
claims that
because of the economic disruption caused by the
pandemic, "we
must be mindful of the impact of foreign workers
on the United
States labour market, particularly in an
environment of high
domestic unemployment and depressed demand for
labour."
The Trump administration goes on to posture as a
defender of
minorities and those with disabilities in
justifying the
immigration ban, saying "Excess labour supply
affects all workers
and potential workers, but it is particularly
harmful to workers
at the margin between employment and unemployment,
who are
typically 'last in' during an economic expansion
and 'first out'
during an economic contraction. In recent years,
these workers
have been disproportionately represented by
historically
disadvantaged groups, including African Americans
and other
minorities, those without a college degree, and
the disabled."
The proclamation carries on according to this
self-serving
neo-liberal method of justifying reaction by
citing high
ideals.[1]
According to the measures in the bill, U.S.
citizens seeking
immigrant visas for a parent, adult child or
sibling can no
longer do so. It also requires a 30-day review of
temporary
visas. News agencies point out that the
proclamation contains
nearly identical provisions to an immigration bill
rejected by
the U.S. Senate in February 2018. Regarding the
Trump
administration's claims that the proclamation is
to prevent
immigrants from taking jobs away from U.S.
citizens, Forbes
magazine points out that "The U.S. unemployment
rate in February 2018 was only 4.1 per cent when
the
administration attempted to stop immigrants from
entering the
United States in the same categories as were
included in the
April 22, 2020, presidential proclamation." Thus,
the Trump
administration has effectively used the pandemic
to change
immigration law without passing a bill through
Congress.
On April 25, a coalition of civil rights and
legal
organizations filed a motion asking the U.S.
District Court for
the District of Oregon "to halt implementation of
this ban to the
extent that it prevents immigrant visa applicants
abroad from
accessing emergency and urgent consular processing
services."
The coalition debunks the justifications given
for
the ban,
saying, "The presidential proclamation claims
that, with limited
exceptions, the continued entry of immigrants
presents a risk to
the U.S. labour market in the wake of the COVID-19
outbreak. But
the reality is that immigrants are the backbone of
the U.S.
economy, are already on the front lines of
pandemic response, and
will also be key to the economic recovery. Experts
anticipate the
family immigration ban would likely reduce
population growth and
make economic recovery more challenging after the
COVID-19
economic downturn. Decades of economic research
tell us that
having more immigrants actually boosts consumer
demand, creates
jobs, and provides an increasingly precious source
of national
economic strength.
"By denying family reunification visas, this
immigration
ban will deny entry to thousands of grandparents
coming to
provide child care for essential workers who are
packing and
delivering our food, treating patients in our
hospitals and
researching treatments and vaccines for the virus.
It could also
change the visa classification for a teenager
nearing their
twenty-first birthday who will age out of their
eligibility for a
visa while the ban is in effect -- setting them
back years, or
even decades, in the immigration process."
On the occasion of May Day, it is important to
recall that the
U.S. working class has revived the tradition of
May Day as an
occasion to militantly affirm workers' rights and
their essential
role as the producers of society's wealth, and
that this was done
precisely with immigrants and undocumented workers
leading the
way as an integral part of the working class. The
refusal of the
U.S. working class to be split on a racist basis
or incited to
racism has been reaffirmed throughout the Trump
presidency by the
broad opposition to travel bans, the
militarization of the border
with Mexico, and the raids and inhuman detentions
carried out by
Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
The U.S. working class will surely not be fooled
by this
attempt to incite them on a racist basis, or
attempts to divide
workers on a racist basis. Nor will working people
be diverted
from defending their rights and the rights of
all, or from
holding the Trump administration and others to
account for their
crimes against working people during the pandemic.
Targeting Frontline Workers
Fighting the
Pandemic
The callous opportunism of the
Trump administration
on matters of immigration during the pandemic is
further revealed
in its attempt to repeal the immigration policy
known as Deferred
Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) that
provides limited
protections for those who came to the U.S.
without documentation
during childhood. Since coming to power, the
Trump administration
has sought to eliminate DACA, but this has been
challenged by
several states and is currently blocked by court
order. Now, in
the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Supreme
Court is expected
to rule on the matter as early as May 4.
DACA was created in June 2012 as an executive
branch
memorandum. Those who successfully apply for DACA
can defer
deportation for a renewable two-year period, with
eligibility for
work permits during that time. It does not provide
a path to
citizenship. Currently about 700,000 people have
been granted
DACA status.
Workers who are DACA recipients are integral to
the U.S.
economy and the security and well-being of its
people, especially
during the pandemic.
An April 6 study by the think tank, the Center
for
American
Progress, states that across the U.S., "202,500
DACA recipients
are working to protect the health and safety of
Americans as the
country confronts COVID-19. They are ensuring that
children are
still being educated; food is still being grown,
packaged,
cooked, shipped, and put on the shelves of grocery
stores;
patients are being cared for; and much more. DACA
recipients, for
example, are doctors and medical students, putting
their own
health and safety on the line. They are also
teachers, striving
to provide a sense of well-being and continuity to
America's
youngest generation remotely. Such roles are
crucial at a time
when the United States is facing a critical
shortage of workers
in both professions."
The study informs that an estimated 29,000 DACA
recipients are
frontline health care workers, and that states
with the most DACA
recipients are also home to the largest number of
DACA recipients
working in health care occupations, noting that
California has
8,600; Texas, 4,300; New York, 1,700; Illinois,
1,400; Florida,
1,100; Arizona, 1,000; and Washington, 1,000. Yet
another 12,700
work in the health care industry doing
housekeeping, food
services, management and administration, in both
hospitals and
nursing homes.
In the education sector, the study says that
"14,900 DACA
recipients are among the hundreds of thousands of
teachers who
have pivoted from the physical to the digital
classroom,
including 4,300 in California, 2,800 in Texas, and
1,000 in
Illinois."
As concerns food, the study informs that "From
farms to
grocery stores and distribution centres to
restaurants, more than
a quarter of employed DACA recipients -- 142,100
-- work in
food-related occupations or industries across the
country.
Despite the fact that this sector includes so many
different
occupations, all food-related workers are
undoubtedly impacted by
COVID-19 in one way or another.
"On the production end, 12,800 DACA recipients
work in the
farming and agriculture industry -- with the vast
majority as
agricultural labourers -- and 11,600 DACA
recipients work in the
food manufacturing industry, processing these
agricultural
products into a food product that can be sold.
"To distribute food from production to its end
users, 4,700
DACA recipients work in food-related wholesale
trade, and 8,800
DACA recipients work in food warehousing,
transportation, and
delivery.
"Another group of essential food-related workers
are those
keeping grocery stores open and operable. That
includes 14,900
DACA recipients, employed in roles such as
cashiers (6,000);
stockers and labourers (2,900); and supervisors
(1,200).
"The majority of DACAmented workers in this
industry are
working in restaurants or food service
establishments (82,200).
This includes 23,700 servers; 20,800 cooks and
prep workers; and
10,800 cashiers. While carryout restaurants and
quick service
food operations are deemed essential by
[Department of Homeland
Security], dining-in remains
widely shuttered, and the restaurant industry has
seen remarkable
closures and layoffs.
"And these statistics likely don't capture
another
critical
group: DACAmented warehouse workers, now playing a
larger role in
moving food directly to consumers across the
country, along with
gig economy delivery drivers."
DACA recipients also face uncertainty regarding
renewal of
their DACA status or work permits, as the U.S.
Citizenship and
Immigration Service (USCIS) has closed its field
offices until
June 3 due to the pandemic. DACA recipients and
rights
organizations are demanding that the government
provide automatic
renewal while the USCIS field offices remain
closed.
DACA recipients and various organizations are
urging the
Supreme Court to delay any decision until after
the COVID-19
pandemic has been overcome.
Note
1. To
read the
full proclamation, click
here.
During the pandemic, when people worldwide are
practicing
social distancing, self-isolation and minimizing
any kind of
travel to stop the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S.
federal agency
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) is
continuing its
brutal raids, mass detentions and deportations.
An April 13 article published by Mother
Jones reports
on how ICE's treatment of those infected by
COVID-19 in its
detention centres is creating a situation ripe for
an outbreak.
The article states:
"On its website, the Centers for Disease Control
and
Prevention (CDC) provides some commonsense
guidelines for prisons and
detention centres to curb the spread of COVID-19.
These
facilities, the CDC says, should avoid 'cohorting'
people who
have been in contact with someone infected with
the virus -- that
is, quarantining them together. The reasons are
obvious. Doing so
can 'transmit COVID-19 from those who are infected
to those who
are uninfected.'
"Yet Immigration
and Customs Enforcement, which detains
immigrants and asylum seekers in facilities across
the country,
is following a rulebook directly at odds with the
CDC's advice.
ICE is relying heavily on cohorting because it
refuses to release
large numbers of people, despite admitting that it
often lacks
the ability to separate detainees it knows have
been exposed to
the new coronavirus.
"ICE usually houses detainees in dorms where
dozens of people
are held together in close quarters. Under ICE's
COVID-19 policy,
symptomatic detainees are removed and placed in
isolation. When
someone tests positive, the rest of the dorm is
quarantined
together, or 'cohorted,' for 14 days. From there,
detention
centre staff monitor to see if anyone else
develops symptoms.
Meanwhile, the quarantined detainees are in close
proximity and
touching the same surfaces -- often without
adequate access to
soap, cleaning supplies, masks, and gloves. If
another person
gets infected, that individual is isolated and the
quarantine
clock resets. The process, under ICE guidelines,
continues until
nobody is symptomatic for two weeks."
In an open letter sent to Acting Director of ICE
Matthew T.
Albence in mid-March, several medical
professionals call
on ICE to "release individuals and families from
immigration
detention while their legal cases are being
processed to prevent
the spread of COVID-19 and mitigate the harm of an
outbreak."
The doctors point out that "Detention facilities,
like the
jails and prisons in which they are housed, are
designed to
maximize control of the incarcerated population,
not to minimize
disease transmission or to efficiently deliver
health care. This
fact is compounded by often crowded and unsanitary
conditions,
poor ventilation, lack of adequate access to
hygienic materials
such as soap and water or hand sanitizers, poor
nutrition, and
failure to adhere to recognized standards for
prevention,
screening, and containment. The frequent transfer
of individuals
from one detention facility to another, and intake
of newly
detained individuals from the community further
complicates the
prevention and detection of infectious disease
outbreaks. A
timely response to reported and observed symptoms
is needed to
interrupt viral transmission yet delays in
testing, diagnosis and
access to care are systemic in ICE custody.
Further, given the
patchwork regulatory system, it is unclear whether
ICE or the
county and state health departments are
responsible for ensuring
public health oversight of facilities.
"For these reasons, transmission of infectious
diseases in
jails and prisons is incredibly common, especially
those
transmitted by respiratory droplets. [...]
COVID-19 threatens the
well-being of detained individuals, as well as the
corrections
staff who shuttle between the community and
detention
facilities.
"[W]e strongly recommend that ICE implement
community-based
alternatives to detention to alleviate the mass
overcrowding in
detention facilities. Individuals and families,
particularly the
most vulnerable -- the elderly, pregnant women,
people with
serious mental illness, and those at higher risk
of complications
-- should be released while their legal cases are
being processed
to avoid preventable deaths and mitigate the harm
from a COVID-19
outbreak."
COVID-19 Update
Number of Cases Worldwide
As of May 2, the worldwide statistics for
COVID-19
pandemic as
reported by Worldometer were:
- Total reported cases: 3,426,382. This is
570,683
more than
the total reported on April 25 of 2,855,699. The
increase in
cases in the previous week was 568,376.
- Total active cases: 2,091,944. This is 250,668
more than the
number reported on April 25 of 1,841,276. The
increase in total
active cases in the previous week was 297,259.
- Closed cases: 1,334,438. This is 320,015 more
than the
number reported on April 25 of 1,014,423. This
compares to an
increase in the previous week of 271,117.
- Deaths: 240,488. This is 41,956 more deaths
than
on April
25, when the toll was 198,532. This compares to an
increase in
the previous week of 41,064.
- Recovered: 1,093,950. This is up 278,059 from
the April 25
figure of 815,891 and compares to an increase the
previous week
of 230,053 recoveries.
There were 94,550 new cases from April 30 to May
1. This
compares to the one-day increase in cases from
April 23 to 24 of
105,825 new cases.
The disease was present in 212 countries and
territories, up
from 210 the week prior. Of these, 63 had less
than 100 cases, as
compared to April 25 when there were 68 countries
with less than
100 cases. There are four countries/territories
without active
cases, down from six the previous week. They are
the Malvinas (13
cases, all recovered), Greenland (11 cases, all
recovered); Saint
Barthélemy (6 cases, all recovered); Anguilla (3
cases, all
recovered).
The five countries with the highest number of
cases on May 2
are noted below, accompanied by the number of
cases and deaths
per million population:
USA: 1,131,030 (903,714 active;
161,563 recovered;
65,753 deaths) and 3,417 cases per million; 199
deaths per
million
- April 25: 926,530 (763,855 active; 110,432
recovered; 52,243 deaths) and 2,799 cases per
million; 158 deaths
per million
Spain: 242,979 (75,714 active;
142,441 recovered;
24,824 deaths); 5,197 cases per million; 531
deaths per
million
- April 25: 223,759 (105,149 active; 95,708
recovered;
deaths 22,902) and 4,786 cases per million; 490
deaths per
million
Italy: 207,428 (100,943 active;
78,249 recovered;
28,236 deaths) and 3,431 cases per million; 467
deaths per
million
- April 25: 192,994 (106,527 active; 60,498
recovered;
deaths 25,969) and 3,192 cases per million; 430
deaths per
million
UK: 177,454 (149,600 active;
recovered N/A; 27,510
deaths) and 2,614 cases per million; 405 deaths
per million
-
April 25: 143,464 (123,614 active; recovered N/A;
19,506 deaths)
and 2,113 cases per million; 287 deaths per
million
France: 167,346 (92,540 active;
50,212 recovered;
24,594 deaths) and 2,564 cases per million; 377
deaths per
million
- April 25: 159,828 (94,090 active; 43,493
recovered;
deaths 22,245) and 2,449 cases per million; 341
deaths per
million
The U.S. alone has about 33.28 per cent of all
cases worldwide
as compared to 32.44 on April 25. Cases in Europe
comprise 41.16
per cent of all cases worldwide, as compared to
43.46 on April
25.
A notable change is that the UK is now the
country
with the third
highest number of reported cases, worldwide,
whereas the week
before it was the fifth highest in Europe. This is
the result of
the rate of new infections in the UK remaining
relatively stable,
while the rate of new cases and total number of
active cases in
Spain, Italy and France have noticeably declined.
Cases in Top Five Countries by Region
In Europe on May 2, the country with the fifth
highest number
of reported cases after the four listed above, is
Germany:
Germany: 164,077 (30,441
active; 126,900 recovered;
6,736 death) and 1,958 cases per million; 80
deaths per
million
- April 25: 155,054 (39,466 active; 109,800
recovered;
5,788 deaths) and 1,851 cases per million; 69
deaths per
million
In the UK, nearly 130 Members of Parliament have
signed on to
a letter that raises concerns about the increased
coronavirus
risk posed by allowing non-essential workplaces,
including
construction sites, to stay open. The British and
Irish trade
union Unite estimates that only around a quarter
of the UK's
construction sites have suspended work amid the
pandemic. The
union has called for tougher measures to be taken
to enforce
safety, and to ensure that workers are not
compelled to work on
non-essential projects. "There are a number of
projects that are
critical infrastructure like building hospitals,
but others, like
luxury flats being built, are not critical in
nature," said Ian
Woodland, Unite's national construction officer.
Construction workers in the UK are often
self-employed,
irregularly employed by agencies, or employed by
subcontractors,
conditions which may result in them being left out
of paid
furlough schemes or not receiving government
subsidies for the
unemployed. This precarity can have dangerous
consequences, Unite
points out. "Blacklisting has been a problem in
the UK as well,
with workers afraid to raise issues due to the
precarity of their
job," Woodland says. "They could get a tap on the
shoulder and be
told they're not needed on site anymore. So
there's a possibility
that health and safety issues are not being
reported as a
result."
Unite is calling for increased medical facilities
on
worksites, free coronavirus testing and treatment,
reduced
workforces and a higher number of shifts to
facilitate social
distancing, and for workers to be able to speak
out without
reprisal about risky conditions.
In Eurasia on May 2:
Turkey: 122,392 (65,326 active;
53,808 recovered; 3,258
deaths) and 1,451 cases per million; 39 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 104,912 (80,575 active; 21,737
recovered; 2,600 deaths)
and 1,244 cases per million; 31 deaths per million
Russia: 114,431 (100,042
active; 13,220 recovered;
1,169 deaths) and 784 cases per million; 8 deaths
per
million
- April 25: 74,588 (67,657 active; 6,250
recovered;
681 deaths) and 511 cases per million; 5 deaths
per million
Kazakhstan: 3,597 (2,650
active; 922 recovered; 25
deaths) and 192 cases per million; 1 death per
million
- April
25: 2,564 (1,910 active; 629 recovered; 5 deaths)
137 cases per
million; 1 death per million
Armenia: 2,148 (1,138 active;
977 recovered; 33 deaths)
and 725 cases per million; 11 deaths per million
- April 25:
1,677 (846 active; 803 recovered; 28 deaths) 566
cases per
million; 9 deaths per million
Uzbekistan: 2,086 (865 active;
1,212 recovered; 9
deaths) and 62 cases per million; 0.3 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 1,862 (1,147 active; 707 recovered; 8
deaths)
In Turkey, more than 15,000 construction workers
in Istanbul
have been let go from their jobs on large
projects. Most were
laid off without receiving any compensation,
during one two-week
period in March as sites began halting operations
or reducing
their workforces, the construction workers' union
Dev-Yapi-Is
says. The union estimates that around 295,000
people are employed
in construction in Istanbul, and more than a
million countrywide.
Workers and labour advocates say those who remain
employed have
been offered few protections against coronavirus
in an
already-dangerous occupation where it is difficult
to enforce
social distancing.
"Masks are distributed at some construction
sites,
but not
many. Both knowledge about how to use these masks
and especially
the number available, are very insufficient. No
other precautions
are taken," says Dr. Ercan Duman, a member of the
Occupational
Health and Workplace Medicine Commission of the
Istanbul Chamber
of Physicians. A recent report by the
Confederation of
Progressive Trade Unions of Turkey (DISK), which
includes
Dev-Yapi-Is, indicates that DISK members have
tested positive for
COVID-19 at a rate three times higher than the
average rate per
1000 people tested among the general public in
Turkey.
A directive for workers to sit apart while eating
on
construction sites is considered meaningless given
the poor
hygiene standards in makeshift canteens.
Videos and photos circulated on social media by
unions in
Turkey and their supporters show workers crammed
into cafeterias
and sleeping 10 to a room in on-site dorms. "The
street is
cleaner. You live in filth. It's contrary to human
dignity, one
worker is quoted as saying," Istanbul construction
worker
Özkan
told the newspaper Equal Times that when
concerns
are
raised about workplace issues, employers first
stall for time,
then dismiss those who dared to complain. "After
that, you're not
going to be hired at any other worksite," he says.
Unions in
Turkey have reported that workers are also being
fired if they
don't sign declarations agreeing not to hold their
employer
responsible if they contract coronavirus while on
the job.
In Istanbul and other large cities, the vast
majority of the
construction workforce is made up of internal
migrants from
smaller towns and rural provinces. When workers
were laid off
earlier in the pandemic without compensation, many
returned to
their hometowns, potentially contributing to the
spread of the
virus. Since Turkey halted most intercity travel
in late March,
those who lose their jobs are marooned in the
cities where they
had worked, often with little financial or social
support.
In West Asia on May 2:
Iran: 95,646 (13,237 active;
76,318 recovered; 6,091
deaths) and 1,139 cases per million; 73 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 89,328 (15,485 active; 68,193 recovered;
5,650 deaths)
and 1,064 cases per million; 67 deaths per million
Saudi Arabia: 24,097 (20,373
active; 3,555 recovered;
169 deaths) and 692 cases per million; 5 deaths
per million
-
April 25: 16,299 (13,948 active; 2,215 recovered;
136 deaths) and
468 cases per million; 4 deaths per million
Israel: 16,101 (6,720 active;
9,156 recovered; 225
deaths) and 1,860 cases per million; 26 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 15,148 (8,791 active; 6,159 recovered;
198 deaths)
1,750 cases per million; 23 deaths per million
Qatar: 14,096 (12,648 active;
1,436 recovered; 12
deaths) and 4,893 cases per million; 4 deaths per
million
- April 25: 9,358 (8,419 active; 929 recovered; 10
deaths) and
3,248 cases per million; 3 deaths per million
UAE: 13,038 (10,384 active;
2,543 recovered; 111
deaths) and 1,318 cases per million; 11 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 9,281 (7,457 active; 1,760 recovered; 64
deaths) and
938 cases per million; 6 deaths per million
The migrant workforce is very large in Qatar and
the United
Arab Emirates, with many working in construction,
and they are greatly
affected by the pandemic.
"Construction has been deemed an essential
industry in the UAE
and protections for non-citizens are being rolled
back through
allowances for employers to cut workers' wages,"
says Isobel
Archer, a project assistant at the London-based
Business &
Human
Rights Resource Centre (BHRRC). Though the
measures in the UAE
call for obtaining the mutual consent of the
employee,
already-vulnerable migrant workers have little
power to
negotiate, she says.
"Both countries have taken measures to close
social venues and
cancel or postpone events, so they're clearly
aware that
coronavirus is a huge public health issue," Archer
adds. "That's
why it's so alarming that there's this distinction
being made in
the UAE with migrant workers."
Developer Emaar Properties recently announced
that
it would
suspend major projects in Dubai, while Qatar has
directed
private-sector employers to restrict working hours
on
construction sites and increase health and
occupational safety
measures to protect against the spread of the
coronavirus. But
seven of 14 construction companies surveyed by
BHRRC on what
steps they are taking to protect migrant workers
did not respond,
and none of those that did had adequate plans in
place, a BHRRC
press release informs
"The pandemic is really highlighting the need for
reform on
issues that have been repeatedly investigated by
NGOs," Archer
says. Concerns have long been raised about abuse
and exploitation
of migrant labour in Gulf countries, where workers
on projects
such as Qatar's 2022 World Cup facilities often
live in cramped,
unsanitary conditions on huge labour camps.
In South Asia on May 2:
India: 37,257 (26,027 active;
10,007 recovered; 1,223
deaths) and 27 cases per million; 0.9 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 24,942 (18,664 active; 5,498 recovered;
780 deaths) 18
cases per million; 0.6 deaths per million
Pakistan: 18,092 (13,324
active; 4,351 recovered; 417
deaths) and 82 cases per million; 2 deaths per
million
- April
25: 12,227 (9,216 active; 2,755 recovered; 256
deaths) 55 cases
per million; 1 death per million)
Bangladesh: 8,238 (7,894
active; 174 recovered; 170
deaths) and 50 cases per million; 1 death per
million
- April
25 :4,998 (4,745 active; 113 recovered; 140
deaths) 30 cases per
million; 0.9 deaths per million
Afghanistan: 2,335 (1,957
active; 310 recovered; 68
deaths) and 60 cases per million; 2 deaths per
million
- April
25: 1,463 (1,228 active; 188 recovered; 47 deaths)
and 38 cases
per million and 1 death per million
Sri Lanka: 690 (521 active; 162
recovered; 7 deaths)
and 32 cases per million; 0.3 deaths per million
- April 25:
440 (315 active; 118 recovered; 7 deaths) and 21
cases per
million; 0.3 deaths per million
In Southeast Asia on May 2:
Singapore: 17,101 (15,817
active; 1,268 recovered; 16
deaths) and 2,923 cases per million; 3 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 12,693 (11,725 active; 956 recovered; 12
deaths) 2,170
cases per million; 2 deaths per million
Indonesia: 10,551 (8,160
active; 1,591 recovered; 800
deaths) and 39 cases per million; 3 deaths per
million
- April
25: 8,607 (6,845 active; 1,042 recovered; 720
deaths) and 31
cases per million; and 3 deaths per million
Philippines: 8,772 (7,109
active; 1,084 recovered; 579
deaths) and 80 cases per million; 5 deaths per
million
- April
25: 7,294 (6,008 active; 792 recovered; 494
deaths) and 67 cases
per million; 5 deaths per million
Malaysia: 6,071 (1,758 active;
4,210 recovered; 103
deaths) and 188 cases per million; 3 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 5,742 (1,882 active; 3,762 recovered; 98
deaths) 177
cases per million; 3 deaths per million
Thailand: 2,960 (187 active;
2,719 recovered; 54
deaths) and 42 cases per million; 0.8 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 2,907 (309 active; 2,547 recovered; 51
deaths) 42 cases
per million; 0.7 deaths per million
In East Asia on May 2:
China: 82,874 (599 active;
77,642 recovered; 4,633
deaths) and 58 cases per million; 3 deaths per
million
- April
25: 82,816 (838 active; 77,346 recovered; 4,632
deaths) 58 cases
per million; 3 deaths per million
Japan: 14,305 (10,875 active;
2,975 recovered; 455
deaths) and 113 cases per million; 4 deaths per
million
-
12,829 (10,954 active; 1,530 recovered; 345
deaths) 101 cases per
million; 3 deaths per million
South Korea: 10,774 (1,454
active; 9,072 recovered; 248
deaths) and 210 cases per million; 5 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 10,718 (1,843 active; 8,635 recovered;
240 deaths) 209
cases per million; 5 deaths per million
Taiwan: 429 (99 active; 324
recovered; 6 deaths) and 18
cases per million; 0.3 deaths per million
- April 25: 429 (148
active; 275 recovered; 6 deaths) and 18 cases per
million; 0.3
deaths per million
In North America on May 2:
USA: 1,131,030 (903,714 active;
161,563 recovered;
65,753 deaths) and 3,417 cases per million; 199
deaths per
million
- April 25: 926,530 (763,855 active; 110,432
recovered; 52,243 deaths) and 2,799 cases per
million; 158 deaths
per million
Canada: 55,061 (28,919 active;
22,751 recovered; 3,391
deaths) and 1,459 cases per million; 90 deaths per
million
-
43,888 (26,117 active; 15,469 recovered; 2,302
deaths) and 1,163
cases per million; 61 deaths per million
Mexico: 19,224 (5,942 active;
11,423 recovered; 1,859
deaths) and 149 cases per million; 14 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 12,872 (4,502 active; 7,149 recovered;
1,221 deaths) and
100 cases per million; 9 deaths per million
In Central America and the Caribbean on May 2:
Dominican Republic: 7,288
(5,588 active; 1,387
recovered; 313 deaths) and 672 cases per million;
29 deaths per
million
- April 25: 5,749 (4,719 active; 763 recovered;
267
deaths) 530 cases per million; 25 deaths per
million
Panama: 6,532 (5,768 active;
576 recovered; 188 deaths)
and 1,514 cases per million; 44 deaths per million
- April 25:
5,338 (4,865 active; 319 recovered; 154 deaths)
and 1,237 cases
per million; 36 deaths per million
Cuba: 1,537 (759 active; 714
recovered; 64 deaths) and
136 cases per million; 6 deaths per million
- April 25: 1,285
(820 active; 416 recovered; 49 deaths) and 113
cases per million;
4 deaths per million
Honduras: 804 (617 active; 112
recovered; 75 deaths)
and 81 cases per million; 8 deaths per million
- April 25: 591
(478 active; 58 recovered; 55 deaths) and 60 cases
per million; 6
deaths per million
Costa Rica: 725 (364 active;
355 recovered; 6 deaths)
and 142 cases per million; 1 death
- April 25: 687 (465
active; 216 recovered; 6 deaths) and 135 cases per
million; 1
death per million
In South America on May 2:
Brazil: 92,109 (47,660 active;
38,039 recovered; 6,410
deaths) and 433 cases per million; 30 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 54,043 (22,684 active; 27,655 recovered;
3,704 deaths)
and 254 cases per million; 17 deaths per million
Peru: 40,459 (28,206 active;
11,129 recovered; 1,124
deaths) and 1,227 cases per million; 34 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 21,648 (13,518 active; 7,496 recovered;
634 deaths) and
657 cases per million; 19 deaths per million
Ecuador: 26,336 (23,360 active;
1,913 recovered; 1,063
deaths) and 1,493 cases per million; 60 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 22,719 (20,777 active; 1,366 recovered;
576 deaths) and
1,288 cases per million; 33 deaths per million
Chile: 17,008 (7,756 active;
9,018 recovered; 234
deaths) and 890 cases per million; 12 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 12,306 (5,805 active; 6,327 recovered;
174 deaths) and
644 cases per million; 9 deaths per million
Colombia: 7,006 (5,141 active;
1,551 recovered; 314
deaths) and 138 cases per million; 6 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 4,881 (3,653 active; 1,003 recovered;
225 deaths) and
96 cases per million; 4 deaths per million
In Africa on May 2:
South Africa: 5,951 (3,453
active; 2,382 recovered; 116
deaths) and 100 cases per million; 2 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 4,220 (2,668 active; 1,473 recovered; 79
deaths) and 71
cases per million; 1 death per million
Egypt: 5,895 (4,029 active;
1,460 recovered; 406
deaths) and 58 cases per million; 4 deaths per
million
- April
25: 4,092 (2,723 active; 1,075 recovered; 294
deaths) and 40
cases per million; 3 deaths per million
Morocco: 4,569 (3,315 active;
1,083 recovered; 171
deaths) and 124 cases per million; 5 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 3,889 (3,232 active; 498 recovered; 159
deaths) and 105
cases per million; 4 deaths per million
Algeria: 4,154 (1,880 active;
1,821 recovered; 453
deaths) and 95 cases per million; 10 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 3,127 (1,304 active; 1,408 recovered;
415 deaths) and
71 cases per million; 9 deaths per million
Nigeria: 2,170 (1,751 active;
351 recovered; 68 deaths)
and 11 cases per million; 0.3 deaths per million
- April 25:
1,182 (925 active; 292 recovered; 35 deaths)
In Oceania on May 2:
Australia: 6,767 (929 active;
5,745 recovered; 93
deaths) and 265 cases per million; 4 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 6,695 (1,243 active; 5,372 recovered; 80
deaths) and
263 cases per million; 3 deaths per million
New Zealand: 1,479 (208 active;
1,252 recovered; 19
deaths) and 307 cases per million; 4 deaths per
million
-
April 25: 1,461 (325 active; 1,118 recovered; 18
deaths) and 303
cases per million; 4 deaths per million
Guam: 142 (5 deaths)
- April 25: 136 (5 deaths)
French Polynesia: 58 (7 active;
51 recovered) and 206
cases per million
- April 25: 57 (16 active; 41 recovered) and
203 cases per million
New Caledonia: 18 (1 active; 17
recovered)
- April
25: 18 (1 active; 17 recovered)
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the black headline.)
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