April 25, 2016 - Vol.
5 No. 3
Court Ruling on Ontario's Bill 115
Teachers and Education Workers Win
Another Battle for Rights
PDF
Steelworkers join teachers and education workers and
20,000 other working people of Ontario at first mass rally at Queen's
Park against Billl 115 the Putting
Students First Act, August 28, 2012.
Court
Ruling
on
Ontario's
Bill
115
• Teachers and Education
Workers Win Another
Battle for Rights
Discussion
• The Means Were Consistent
With the Aim
- Enver Villamizar
• New Challenges Facing the
Working People
- Mira Katz
For
Your
Information
• Overview and Comments on
Court Ruling
• Who Said What
Court Ruling on Ontario's Bill 115
Teachers and Education Workers Win
Another Battle for
Rights
Ontario Political Forum congratulates
Ontario's teachers
and education workers on their victory in the courts following the
ruling by the Ontario Superior Court of Justice that
the Ontario government violated the Charter of Rights and Freedoms in
its
dealing
with
them
during
the
2012-13
round
of
negotiations
in
the
K-12
education sector. The case had
been before the courts since 2013 and was filed by the Canadian Union
of Public Employees (CUPE), the Elementary Teachers' Federation of
Ontario (ETFO), the Ontario Secondary
School Teachers' Federation (OSSTF) and the Ontario Public Service
Employees' Union (OPSEU), with the union Unifor participating as an
intervenor. The ruling clearly exposes the
nefarious attempts by the government to arbitrarily impose its
illegitimate neo-liberal austerity agenda on teachers and education
workers and locally-elected school board officials,
culminating in the imposition of contracts using Bill 115, the Putting
Students
First
Act. The legislation itself was in effect for less
than five months before being repealed, but the
measures it imposed have been left in place.[1]
This exposure of the government's actions is another
clear
indication that in standing up
for their rights, including withdrawing from extracurricular activities
in protest of the
government's imposition of "contracts," teachers and education workers
were defending the
rights of all. It is evidence of the fear the ruling circles have over
such an exposé that its
airing took place four years after the fact. In the same vein
it came only after the last Ontario provincial election as well as the
federal election were well
out of the way. In those elections the Liberals provincially and
federally presented
themselves as the biggest defenders of workers' rights in order to
capture majorities. The
Liberals were desperate to not have their dirty laundry aired at a time
they were presenting
the Conservatives as the ones which pose a danger to working people,
and themselves as the
saviours.
The government's response to the Court ruling has been
to claim that
the past is the past and
now there is a new leader, new Liberal Party and new bargaining process
in place. After all
this, they still think teachers and education workers are naive! It was
their refusal to accept
fraud and dictate which forced the ruling circles to "re-shuffle the
deck" to bring forward
"new" faces to enforce their illegitimate agenda. The fact that Premier
Wynne and many
members of the current Liberal and PC caucuses in Ontario voted in
favour of Bill 115 and
remain in office reveals a problem in terms of what to expect in the
future. How to hold them
to account now enters phase two.
Meanwhile the PCs who now have a new leader provincially
are in denial
about the role they
played in the campaign to violate teachers' and education workers'
rights.
For the teachers and education workers the ruling
vindicates their
fight to affirm their rights. Rights must not be subject to the whims
of a government in power. Despite this, the ruling
presents the government's anti-social neo-liberal aims as legitimate
and only takes issue with
the "precipitous" or abrupt methods used to achieve them. The ruling
circles and the parties
that champion their interests are sure to use the Court's decision to
declare the neo-liberal
austerity agenda legitimate. They will fine tune various fraudulent
methods of "consultation,
dialogue and negotiation" so as to declare that they are no longer
violating rights because the
teachers and education workers and others "agree." If people still
disagree and resist the
government will claim that their suppression is now justified.
So long as the anti-social offensive is imposed, No!
will continue to
mean No! to anti-social,
anti-worker dictate and austerity.
Note
1. Backgrounder
on Opposition to Bill 115 The Putting
Students
First
Act
Discussion
The Means Were Consistent With the Aim
- Enver Villamizar -
The ruling of the Ontario Superior Court of Justice on
Bill 115
generally asserts that the methods used by the government were the
problem, not the aims. In other words, the attempt
to remove funds from public education by attacking teachers' and
education workers' wages and working conditions may be lofty and
legitimate, but the problem was the way the
government went about achieving that aim. This is made clear in Justice
Lederer's discussion of "remedy." According to the ruling it is now up
to the parties -- the government, unions and
school board associations -- to negotiate a remedy. If one cannot be
achieved then the matter will return to the judge to be decided.
Justice Lederer points out in his conclusion, "The fact
remains
that Ontario was and may still be in a difficult fiscal circumstance.
If so, we are all affected. Ontario accepted that it
should act. The problem with what took place is with the process, not
the end result. It is possible that had the process been one that
properly respected the associational rights of the
unions, the fiscal and economic impacts of the result would have been
the same or similar to those that occurred."
In other words the means, although bad, do not negate
the lofty
aims. It is unfortunate that Justice Lederer felt it was his duty to
make such a statement. It raises the question of why
he felt the need to pontificate on such an important matter in such an
off-hand manner. Being in difficult fiscal circumstances is always the
justification governments use to violate workers'
rights. The problem however is that the origins and solutions to that
fiscal circumstance are not permitted to be discussed. Instead the
circumstance is used to bludgeon the public through
"Chicken Little" routines into accepting violations of their rights in
the name of defending the greater good.
In this case, extracting billions from education
workers' wages and
working conditions in the form of sick days and wage freezes and cuts,
and cutting off retiree benefits where those
applied, was presented as a way to contribute to the fiscal health of
the province. Those billions were then handed over to private interests
in myriad ways. They were given to the banks in
the form of interest payments; used as slush funds for infrastructure
development to serve private companies and consulting firms lining up
at the trough; and given directly to private
companies who blackmailed the province demanding to be paid or they
would leave, who the government obliged.[1]
Teachers and education workers did not accept these
aims of the
government and that is why they said No! on many occasions to the
province, and to their own unions if it was
apparent they were accepting the government's aims on the workers'
behalf. This is why they refused to accept the government's
arbitrariness and dictate and stood firm. The fact that the
unions managed to negotiate whatever they could under the circumstances
does not mean teachers and education workers accepted the government's
ultimate aims.
Teachers and education workers also took their argument
to the
people of Ontario who gave their own No! to the government's
anti-social agenda. This was made clear when, right on
the eve of the passage of Bill 115, the electorate of
Kitchener-Waterloo resoundingly defeated both the Liberals and PCs who
together passed Bill 115 and championed its theft of billions
from public education.
Rally of 30,000 Ontarians on January 26,
2013 which converged on the Liberal Leadership Convention in which
Kathleen Wynne was selected Premier by
delegates.
In repeatedly asserting that the ends may be righteous,
Justice
Lederer lets the government off the hook. In this way he hides that
corrupt and arbitrary means are the result of an
agenda which itself is corrupt and demands arbitrary means. If it were
not so, the government would not have needed to impose its will. It
would have ensured that those who are directly
responsible for providing education to the province's youth are able to
participate in deciding the direction of the province so that they can
bring forward a pro-social program which
harmonizes their interests and those of the people of Ontario with the
general interests of the province, country and humanity. The
government and ruling circles negate this participation
because they are not interested in nation-building. Their only apparent
concern is how to pay the rich who support them and keep their hands on
the levers of power.
Note
1. One example is a $220 million
grant to Cisco.
Another is
Waterloo tech firm Sandvine, which recently received $15 million while
at the same time paying out almost the same
amount to its shareholders in the form of a dividend.
New Challenges Facing the Working People
- Mira Katz -
Justice Lederer's ruling
reveals a serious challenge
facing the
working people of Ontario and Canada going forward. Governments are now
adapting their attempts to impose a corrupt
agenda by seeking to let unions decide for themselves how best to
attack their members' wages and working conditions on the basis of the
claim that the aim of austerity is a lofty one. In
his ruling Justice Lederer made a point of stating on numerous
occasions that the different unions representing teachers and education
workers were never told what targets the government
had set for concessions expected of them. All that mattered to the
government were its goals system-wide.
He also noted that when the government took the
roll-out of
full-day kindergarten and increasing class sizes off the table for
discussion -- something the unions also did not want to
touch -- this limited free collective bargaining. Is this not an
indication to governments that in future they should provide specific
targets for concessions in order to be able to uphold freely
negotiated agreements and not take "anything" off the table? When
unions assert that they will not discuss attacking class sizes or other
educational services as part of collective bargaining
will they be painted with the same brush, claiming that they are not
negotiating in good faith?
This set-up was already
seen in the last round of K-12
negotiations
where the Wynne government imposed a "net-zero" framework so that
unions would be forced to accept the
government's austerity parameters, but with some options over how they
would be imposed. The unions are being attacked by governments trying
to turn them into vehicles for
implementing their austerity agenda while at the same time seeking to
limit their ability to participate in politics and elections through
various election financing reforms.
Teachers and education workers and all working people
should
discuss these matters amongst their peers and colleagues so that
governments' attempts to destroy the unions by making
them tools of their austerity agenda are defeated. Involving the entire
polity in discussing Bill 115 showed that by standing with teachers and
education workers the public was defending its
own rights against government dictate. Now the discussion must deal
with this whole new attempt to eliminate the right of the working
people to say No! to a corrupt anti-social agenda.
For Your Information
Overview and Comments on Court Ruling
On April 20 Ontario Superior Court Justice Thomas
Lederer found that Bill 115, the Putting Students First Act
passed by the Liberal government joined by the PC Official
Opposition on September 11, 2012, had substantially interfered with
collective bargaining contrary to s. 2(d) of the Charter of Rights
and Freedoms which states that everyone has
the right to freedom of association. For the full ruling click
here.
In his reasons, Justice Lederer held that the
government's process
for collective bargaining was fundamentally flawed from the start. He
showed in detail how the government failed to
permit the unions representing Ontario's teachers and education workers
to meaningfully negotiate their wages and working conditions.
Ontario Political Forum is providing the
following
overview and comments on
the ruling for readers' information to assist in the deliberation on
how to uphold the rights of
all under the circumstances.
What to Make of the Background Provided?
Justice Lederer began by providing what he felt was
appropriate background information, setting
the events of 2012-13 in the context of the "evolution" of collective
bargaining within the K-12 education sector. This refers to the changes
that took place
between 1998, when funding for public education became a provincial
responsibility rather than local through school boards, to 2014 when
the government
dictated a new legislated, non-voluntary system of provincial and local
bargaining with Bill 122, the School
Boards Collective Bargaining Act.
The main question he posed to himself for a decision
was whether or
not the government acted "precipitously" in its treatment of the
applicant unions in the context of this "evolution"
of bargaining and breached the Charter.
Precipitously
is
defined
as
hastily,
abruptly
or extremely rapid. Clearly this differs from what
teachers and education workers and others thought was
being decided, which was whether or not arbitrarily imposing contracts
and making resistance in the form of strikes illegal would be affirmed
by the courts as a violation of rights, period --
not whether or not it represented action taken too hastily or abruptly.
Lederer set his ruling in the context of the provincial
government's claims that all its measures sought to deal with the need
to lower and eliminate its deficit incurred following the
2007-08 economic crisis. This deficit was accrued in a large part
through various bailouts and handouts to the monopolies, especially in
auto and the financial sector, described as
"stimulus" spending. The government's rationale as cited by Lederer was
that public sector workers' wages and benefits constituted a cost that
had to be frozen and in some cases rolled
back in order to lower and eventually eliminate the deficit. Lederer
repeated the government's "Chicken Little" routine that Ontario's debt
constituted a threat of impending financial
collapse which had to be addressed. At no point was Ontario's current
program to massively increase spending on infrastructure cited as an
example of how fraudulent and self-serving were
the claims to justify Bill 115 at the time. Neither was the fact that,
since imposing the contracts to remove billions from public education
using Bill 115, the government has been busy
handing out billions of dollars to private interests in Ontario in
various ways.
Parameters and Roadmaps
In reviewing the matter of whether the government acted
precipitously, Lederer first took issue with the "parameters" the
government imposed on the unions in the initial stages of
central negotiations. These parameters sought to impose a neo-liberal
framework on the negotiations from which the unions would not be
allowed to escape. They involved drastic changes
to teachers' and education workers' compensation and working conditions
consistent with recommendations made by banker Don Drummond in his
report on how to reform the delivery of
public services in Ontario. Drummond's report was commissioned by the
Liberal government with a mandate to devise neo-liberal means to
balance the budget earlier than 2017-18 without
increasing taxes.
Lederer stated: "What Ontario referred to as parameters
were not
goals to be achieved. They did not demonstrate boundaries, limits or a
range within which meaningful bargaining
could take place. They were specific changes to specific benefits and
programs intended to be implemented across the education sector as a
whole. Ontario said these changes would achieve
its goals. The parameters were brought forward without any prior
consultation, discussion or negotiation. They were terms Ontario wanted
included in all collective agreements across the
education sector. Where other options were proposed, they were
dispensed with on the basis that they did not satisfy Ontario's
sector-wide goals but without explanation as to why that was
the case."
It is important to note that in many parts of his
reasoning Lederer
appears to say to the government that they need to give a concrete
financial target for the concessions demanded of
each particular union and who they represent in order to ensure that
the unions have a "chance" of meeting those targets in ways other than
those dictated by the government's broad
parameters. This appears to be what Lederer felt would have satisfied
the requirement for free collective bargaining.
He also referred to the government's claim that it was
attacking
compensation for teachers and education workers in order to preserve
the "gains" that the Liberals had made,
specifically full-day kindergarten and decreased class sizes. Lederer
felt that eliminating these areas from the scope of negotiations
constrained what could be negotiated to achieve the
government's fiscal targets. He noted that the unions would have likely
agreed not to touch these areas. However it appears that Lederer
indicated that to have "free" collective bargaining in
the future, the possibility of increasing class sizes as well as
limiting full-day kindergarten should be made part of the
"negotiations." One wonders if the unions will be accused of not
bargaining in good faith if they do not accept attacks on these areas.
Lederer gave many examples from the submissions of the
five unions
involved in the case showing how they attempted to provide alternative
proposals or means to achieve what they
guessed were the government's targets for the groups of workers
involved, only to have them rejected without any real explanation as to
why, other than that they did not fit within the
parameters.
Lederer discussed the government's shift from
"negotiations" based
on parameters to dictate and the passage and use of Bill 115 to impose
a "roadmap" based on a Memorandum of
Understanding (MOU) it had signed with the Ontario English Catholic
Teachers Association on July 5, 2012. He took the government to task
for using the MOU not as a "roadmap" which
would provide guidance to the other unions but rather as a substitute
for negotiation.
"By dictating that the OECTA MOU would be a roadmap for
all other
agreements in the education sector, Ontario did away with the need for
any central negotiations. Typically, a
roadmap provides guidance and direction. Presumably, this foresees at
least the possibility of a different route being taken, perhaps to a
different destination or result. That is not the way
the idea of the roadmap was implemented by Ontario. OSSTF was told that
Ontario would only consider "proposals containing the essential terms
of the OECTA deal." The substantive
terms and conditions of the OECTA agreement would be applied "in all
education sector collective agreements." The parameters as set out in
the OECTA agreement "...were to be non-
negotiable," he wrote. It was expected that "...all school boards
would...bargain within the negotiating framework articulated in the MOU
between OECTA and the government," he
said.
Lederer gave numerous examples of how the OECTA MOU
(which was not
ratified by the local presidents but only "endorsed" in a vote of 42 in
favour and 24 opposed, after it was
ratified by the Provincial Executive) included provisions that did not
really apply to OECTA but did to other unions. He pointed to this as
evidence that the MOU was used to replace
negotiations with those other unions. One example he gave was of the
post-retirement benefits which applied to certain education workers
represented by Unifor (then Canadian
Autoworkers). The benefits were eliminated using the OECTA MOU, and
shortly afterwards the takeover of the school board in Windsor-Essex
where the affected Unifor members
worked." OECTA did not have such rights. Their removal was no concern
to them. The benefit was removed by the OECTA deal without warning and
without any opportunity for the
affected members of the affected union (Unifor) to take part in the
negotiations that led to this result," he wrote.
Government's Claim of Justification
Moving to the passage and use of Bill 115 itself,
Justice
Lederer dealt with the government's claim that the legislation was
justified under the circumstances and as such did not breach
the Charter:
"Counsel for Ontario was candid to say that, read on
its own, this legislation was in breach of s. 2(d) of the Charter
of Rights and Freedoms. The problem, he suggested, was
that the Putting Students First Act should
not be read on its own. It must be read in context. Over the course of
the months beginning in February, 2012 and ending with its
passage, the applicants had been given ample opportunity to make
representations to Ontario. These representations, to the extent they
were made, had been considered by Ontario. As a
result, changes were made to the parameters that had been set.
Accordingly, Ontario had discharged its constitutional responsibility
and was free to pass the required legislation. Counsel
pointed out that the case law recognizes that, in some circumstances,
legislation may be required and available without causing a breach of
the Charter."
Lederer did not agree with the government's assertion
that it had
fulfilled its constitutional responsibility, nor that the actions were
justified under the circumstances. He outlined the
evidence provided by a government submission from former Bank of Canada
Governor David Dodge as well as evidence by economist Hugh Mackenzie on
behalf of OSSTF concerning the
state of the economy and whether the outcomes justified the actions.
Lederer felt that "the end sought by Ontario [wage freezes, elimination
of sick day banks and other concessions -
OPF Ed. Note]
could have been achieved through more targeted legislative or
administrative action and fairer, meaningful collective bargaining,"
adding that "[t]he impact was not just
on the economic circumstances of education workers but on their
associational rights and the dignity, autonomy and equality that comes
with the exercise of that fundamental freedom."
After reviewing other legal tests for justification
such as whether
the actions were rationally connected to the government's goals and
proportional to the problem being addressed,
Lederer ultimately ruled that the government's actions were arbitrary.
"Arbitrary" is an adjective. It can describe a thing
which is based
on chance or is unfair. Cambridge Dictionaries Online explains the
latter as follows: "using unlimited personal power
without considering other people's wishes." In this vein, "arbitrary"
can also mean "despotic," he wrote.
"The putting in place of the means by which the
Ontario's goals were to be met was arbitrary.
"I find the means used to accomplish Ontario's goals
were arbitrary
and not based on care of design. It follows that the means adopted were
not rationally connected to Ontario's
objectives. In understanding this conclusion, it is useful to consider
the following statements made in Meredith v. Canada (Attorney
General) albeit in dissent:
"'The fact that there are fiscal concerns does not give
the
government an unrestricted license on how it deals with the economic
interests of its employees.'
"and
"'While wage rollbacks are technically seen to be
rationally
connected to fiscal stability and responsibility, the refusal to engage
in any meaningful form of consultation is not.'"
Right to Strike
Lederer also took issue with the government's claim
that it did
not violate the right to strike because Bill 115 itself did not
prohibit the right to strike. The outlawing of strikes
connected to Bill 115 was a major concern for unions in launching the
court case.
"The ability of Ontario (the Lieutenant Governor in
Council) to
prohibit a strike did nothing other than close the final door on the
ability of the applicants to act against the actions of
the government and to use their association to forward their goals for
their contracts. If it 'appeared' that they were not able to arrive at
an arrangement with their respective employers (the
school boards) that fulfilled the direction to comply with the OECTA
deal or if they had not settled, consistent with that direction, by
December 31, 2012, Ontario could remove the only
remaining arrow in their collective bargaining quiver, the right to
strike. As it turned out, once an agreement was imposed, the Labour
Relations Act would take over. [To make the
strike in the form of withdrawal of extracurricular activities illegal,
which the board did. - OPF Ed Note]
With an agreement in place, the prohibition on a strike while a
collective
agreement remained in place would govern. The fact that no order [by
the government] prohibiting a strike was made does not change this. The
breadth of the prohibition order made by the
Lieutenant Governor in Council would put in place could extend well
beyond an actual work stoppage to 'threatening' or 'encouraging' a
strike. This was an obvious constraint to doing
anything in support of a strike. Why do it when Ontario possessed this
extraordinary and arbitrary power to stop anything that might lead to a
strike, quite apart from actually being on
strike? Why would a school board (an employer) respond to such a threat
knowing the goals and authority of the funder (Ontario)?"
In conclusion Justice Lederer granted the application
of the appellant unions that their Charter rights had been
interfered with.
Redress
Moving to the issue of redress for this violation of
rights,
Justice Lederer gave his "observations" on what would be the remedy. He
asked the lawyers for the applicants and the
government to consider his perspectives as they try to come to
agreement. Lederer chose to do so despite being clearly asked by the
applicants not to rule on a remedy. Amongst other
things he "observed":
"The fact remains that Ontario was and may still be in
a difficult
fiscal circumstance. If so, we are all affected. Ontario accepted that
it should act. The problem with what took place is
with the process, not the end result. It is possible that had the
process been one that properly respected the associational rights of
the unions, the fiscal and economic impacts of the result
would have been the same or similar to those that occurred."
He then added: "The mark of success in finding the
proper balance
is positive, fair and meaningful collective bargaining. The adversarial
and confrontational conduct which governed
the process in this case fell short. Both sides contributed. Ontario
and the applicants have a continuing and ongoing relationship. At the
moment (without having heard any submissions), it
is not clear to me what would be accomplished by any substantial or
overly aggressive remedy. Could it reward one side to the detriment of
the process as a whole? We are all still
learning."
The irony must have been lost on Justice Lederer that
after ruling
against interfering in free collective bargaining, he would now foist
the same neo-liberal framework on the
negotiations for a remedy. He suggested that the unions and their
members who are in fact the ones defending the public interest will be
in conflict with the public interest if they demand a
"substantial or overly aggressive" remedy. What good is a remedy if it
does not provide actual redress for the victims and make them whole
again as well as provide a deterrent against
future violations of the law? What whole means will have to be
worked out.
However Lederer's position sounds eerily similar to the
government's own claims that teachers and education workers and indeed
all public sector workers must accept restraint, ie., not
demand compensation and working conditions commensurate with the work
they do, at the risk of harming Ontario. All the while, the billions
stolen by government to pay off private
interests is not identified as "substantial or overly aggressive." The
fact that should the parties be unable to come to an agreement, the
decision on remedy will be in Lederer's hands reveals
that a new round in the battle for rights in Ontario is shaping up. If
the government simply refuses once again to negotiate properly citing
Lederer's "observations," it will then be up to
Lederer to decide. Clearly the matter of redress and its importance
must be taken up by teachers and education workers and their unions in
order to make clear their stand on the
matter.
Who Said What
Government of Ontario
A spokeswoman for Education Minister Liz Sandals
provided the following statement to media:
"Our top priority is the success and well-being of all
of our
students. At this time, we are reviewing the decision by Ontario
Superior Court of Justice.
"We value the important work that teachers and
education workers
across the province do every day to support our students' achievement
and well-being.
"Since 2012, our government has worked with the teacher
federations, education worker unions and school boards to introduce the
School Boards Collective Bargaining Act. We
are pleased that under this legislation we have successfully reached
nine central collective bargaining agreements.
"We will continue to work with our education partners
across
Ontario to ensure that our students continue to achieve excellence."
Premier Kathleen Wynne responded to a call from NDP
leader Andrea
Horwath in the Legislature on April 21 for an apology "to parents,
students and education workers for trampling
on collective bargaining rights and throwing our schools into chaos" by
saying:
"When I ran for leadership in 2012-13, I was very clear
that I had
problems with Bill 115. Bill 115 has been repealed. We have established
a new bargaining process. We are working
with the education sector. I believe that the move away from Bill 115
was exactly the right thing to do. [...] My career has been built on
partnerships within the education sector, on the
management and the employee side. I will stand up any day for the
education sector, and that is how I got to this place. That's how I
will continue."
Progressive Conservative Party
Progressive Conservative Leader Patrick Brown tried to
divert from
his party's full support for Bill 115 and violations of rights by
stating:
"Clearly, the minister's office didn't do their
research when they
first imposed [Bill 115]. I would have assumed they would have had a
legal interpretation to make sure it wouldn't be
challenged in the court. It's a shame all of these funds went into
legal costs rather than students."
NDP
Ontario NDP Education Critic Lisa Gretzky released the
following statement in response to the decision of the Superior Court:
"Yesterday's ruling proves what Ontarians knew all
along, Bill 115
had nothing to do with 'putting students first'. Instead it violated
the Charter of Rights and Freedoms,
interfered with collective bargaining rights and threw our schools into
chaos -- and it's parents and education workers who have, and will, pay
the price.
"The 2012-2013 school year was filled with frustration
and
uncertainty, these aren't the conditions under which students can focus
on learning but each time this government acts out of
their own self-interest, our children's education is compromised.
"While Premier Kathleen Wynne is now trying to distance
herself
from this legislation, education workers know where she stood four
years ago and they know that her government
tabled back to work legislation just last year. Like Bill 115, Bill 103
was supported by both the Liberal and Conservative parties. It's time
for the government to apologize to education
workers, parents and students for the chaos they've had to endure over
the last four years in our education system."
Unions Respond
Elementary Teachers' Federation of Ontario
ETFO said in a statement, "The Elementary Teachers'
Federation of
Ontario (ETFO) and other education unions have won a major court
victory at the Ontario Superior Court of
Justice today. The court found that the Ontario government's Bill 115
imposed in the fall of 2012 was a violation of the collective
bargaining rights of education unions.
"In his decision, Justice Lederer ruled that the
passage of the Putting Students First Act infringed upon union
members' rights to meaningful collective bargaining under the
Charter of Rights and Freedoms. He also determined that the process
the government engaged in was 'fundamentally flawed.'
"'This is a total vindication of our pursuit of
democratic rights
on behalf of our members,' said ETFO President Sam Hammond. 'ETFO and
its legal counsel acted as the lead in
launching the Charter challenge in the fall of 2012 because, by
imposing the terms and conditions of our members' contract, the Ontario
government abrogated teachers' collective
bargaining rights, including their right to strike.'
"Bill 115 blatantly interfered with lawful collective
bargaining
activities in the education sector for three years. It put the actions
of the government beyond the review of the Ontario
Labour Relations Board, outside the reach of the Ontario Human Rights
Commission, and even above the courts.
"Justice Lederer did not comment on a remedy for the
parties. The
parties are now required to meet to determine a remedy. If they are
unable to reach agreement on a remedy, the
matter will be referred back to Justice Lederer for a decision."
Ontario Secondary School Teachers' Federation
OSSTF President Paul Elliott noted that "Justice
Lederer confirmed
what we believed all along." In a statement OSSTF said "The Court found
that 'considering the overall process
undertaken, the actions of the Ontario government substantially
interfered with meaningful collective bargaining.' The Court also found
the Ontario government's approach to bargaining
was 'ill-conceived.'
"It is unfortunate that the government's approach
created such
unnecessary and negative consequences for the education sector," added
Elliott. "And we are pleased that the Court has
reconfirmed the importance of free, fair and meaningful collective
bargaining," he concluded.
Canadian Union of Public Employees
CUPE represents 55,000 education workers in Ontario,
including
custodians, administrative and clerical staff, educational assistants,
instructors, tradespeople, early childhood educators,
and many more, across all four school board systems (English and
French, Catholic and public). It called the Ontario Superior Court
ruling a
significant victory.
"CUPE's position has always been that Bill 115 violated
our basic Charter
rights," said Terri Preston, chair of the union's education sector
coordinating committee. "We saw it
as a threat to all Canadian workers, and we couldn't let it pass
unchallenged. The court validated our position that this Bill was a
gross overreach that trampled basic freedom-of-association
rights.
"Significantly, in his ruling Justice Lederer wrote
that the impact
of this flawed piece of legislation was 'not just on the economic
circumstances of education workers but on their
associational rights and the dignity, autonomy and equality that comes
with the exercise of that fundamental freedom.'
"This couldn't send a clearer message to governments
that they
ought not interfere in free collective bargaining," Preston said,
adding "It's a terrific ruling for education workers in
Ontario and in building on the existing case law, for all Canadian
workers."
CUPE Ontario President Fred Hahn said, "After this
lawsuit was
initially filed, the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) ruled in the
Saskatchewan Federation of Labour case that workers
have a constitutional right to strike. CUPE was a lead union on that
SCC case, and victory there gave us great confidence in our case here.
We are thrilled the Superior Court has agreed
that the government's approach to collective bargaining was
'fundamentally flawed.'
"We will meet with the other unions with whom we
engaged in this
court challenge to discuss what we want to see by way of remedy," said
Hahn. "We will continue to work together
to preserve basic collective bargaining rights. We call on the Liberal
government to accept this ruling and put any thought of a costly appeal
out of their minds. Now they must spend time,
energy and resources on remedy, and on strengthening the public
education system in Ontario."
Ontario Public Service Employees Union
OPSEU represents 2,700 education workers at seven
Ontario school
boards. According to OPSEU, the court ruling that the Ontario
government violated the rights of education workers
has solidified collective bargaining rights for workers across Canada.
"Yesterday's decision is a great victory for education
workers in
Ontario," said OPSEU President Warren (Smokey) Thomas. "It confirms
what we've been saying all along, namely,
that the Liberal government trampled those workers' Charter rights in
its fanatical pursuit of reduced wages and working conditions.
"But what is just as important is that this case adds
another brick
to the legal foundation of collective bargaining rights in Canada," he
said. "Governments need to recognize that
workers' rights to unionize and take part in collective bargaining are
protected by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms."
OPSEU's Thomas called the Liberal government's approach
to
collective bargaining "high-handed" and "disdainful of frontline
workers and their families."
"Since 2010, the Liberals have mounted an intense
campaign against
frontline workers in the public sector," he said. "The sole purpose of
that campaign has been to pay for corporate
tax cuts introduced in 2010 and 2011 and fund overpriced public-private
infrastructure projects delivered by high-ranking donors to the Liberal
party."
"Our union will continue to oppose the Liberals'
blatantly anti-worker agenda."
Unifor
A tweet from the Unifor Twitter account said on April
21: "Court
rules Ontario violated teachers' right to strike & Unifor retirees
had benefits taken away without notice"
The same day Unifor National President President Jerry
Dias tweeted
from his account, "VICTORY! Ont judge rules 4 free, democratic
collective bargaining rights. Gov't must not
interfere w union."
Ontario Federation of Labour
In a statement entitled: "Court Ruling Against Bill 115
Secures
Charter Rights of Every Worker" the Ontario Federation of Labour
President Chris Buckley stated: "From the outset,
Bill 115 was a cynical strategy to attack the rights of educational
workers to woo Conservative voters in two tight by-election races. The
plan backfired at the ballot box, toppled a Premier
and now it has been soundly defeated in a court of law. This is a
vindication for the unions who launched the Charter Challenge,
the unions who stood by them, and for every
worker who hopes for fair treatment under the law."
"The defeat of Bill 115 is a credit to the unions who
launched the
challenge, but it is also a victory that is shared by the hundreds of
thousands of people who stood together against
this blatant violation of workers' rights. It is a testament to the
importance of solidarity," said Buckley. "Premier Kathleen Wynne has an
opportunity to distance herself from the nasty
anti-worker politics of her predecessor by making sweeping changes to
Ontario's outdated labour laws to improve employment standards, make it
easier to join a union and bring balance
and fairness to labour relations in this province."
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