November 4, 2017 - No. 35


The Bolshevik Party in the Period of Preparation and Realization of the
October Socialist Revolution


Painting of Lenin at Finland Railway Station in Petrograd upon his return to Russia.

Lenin's Return from Forced Exile
February to October 1917 -- Brief Summary
Photo Review
Historical Posters

The Bolshevik Party in the Period of Preparation and Realization
of the October Socialist Revolution

Lenin's Return from Forced Exile

The following is excerpted from Chapter 7, "The Bolshevik Party in the Period of Preparation and Realization of the October Socialist Revolution," in The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course, 1939.


While still in Switzerland, Lenin, upon receiving the first news of the (February) revolution, had written his "Letters From Afar" to the Party and to the working class of Russia, in which he said:

"Workers, you have displayed marvels of proletarian heroism, the heroism of the people, in the civil war against tsardom. You must now display marvels of organization, organization of the proletariat and of the whole people, in order to prepare the way for your victory in the second stage of the revolution."

Lenin arrived in Petrograd on the night of April 3. Thousands of workers, soldiers and sailors assembled at the Finland Railway Station and in the station square to welcome him. Their enthusiasm as Lenin alighted from the train was indescribable. They lifted their leader shoulder high and carried him to the main waiting room of the station. There the Mensheviks Chkheidze and Skobelev launched into speeches of "welcome" on behalf of the Petrograd Soviet, in which they "expressed the hope" that they and Lenin would find a "common language." But Lenin did not stop to listen; sweeping past them, he went out to the masses of workers and soldiers. Mounting an armoured car, he delivered his famous speech in which he called upon the masses to fight for the victory of the Socialist revolution. "Long live the Socialist revolution!" were the words with which Lenin concluded this first speech after long years of exile.

Back in Russia, Lenin flung himself vigorously into revolutionary work. On the morrow of his arrival he delivered a report on the subject of the war and the revolution at a meeting of Bolsheviks, and then repeated the theses of this report at a meeting attended by Mensheviks as well as Bolsheviks.

These were Lenin's famous April Theses, which provided the Party and the proletariat with a clear revolutionary line for the transition from the bourgeois to the Socialist revolution.[1]

Lenin's theses were of immense significance to the revolution and to the subsequent work of the Party. The revolution was a momentous turn in the life of the country. In the new conditions of the struggle that followed the overthrow of tsardom, the Party needed a new orientation to advance boldly and confidently along the new road. Lenin's theses gave the Party this orientation.

Lenin's April Theses laid down for the Party a brilliant plan of struggle for the transition from the bourgeois-democratic to the Socialist revolution, from the first stage of the revolution to the second stage -- the stage of the Socialist revolution. The whole history of the Party had prepared it for this great task. As far back as 1905, Lenin had said in his pamphlet, Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution, that after the overthrow of tsardom the proletariat would proceed to bring about the Socialist revolution. The new thing in the theses was that they gave a concrete, theoretically grounded plan for the initial stage of the transition to the Socialist revolution.

The transitional steps in the economic field were: nationalization of all the land and confiscation of the landed estates, amalgamation of all the banks into one national bank to be under the control of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, and establishment of control over the social production and distribution of products.

In the political field, Lenin proposed the transition from a parliamentary republic to a republic of Soviets.[...] Lenin proposed to replace the parliamentary republic by a Soviet republic as the most suitable form of political organization of society in the period of transition from capitalism to Socialism.

"The specific feature of the present situation in Russia," the theses stated, "is that it represents a transition from the first stage of the revolution -- which, owing to the insufficient class-consciousness and organization of the proletariat, placed the power in the hands of the bourgeoisie -- to the second stage, which must place the power in the hands of the proletariat and the poorest strata of the peasantry."

"Not a parliamentary republic -- to return to a parliamentary republic from the Soviets of Workers' Deputies would be a retrograde step -- but a republic of Soviets of Workers', Agricultural Labourers' and Peasants' Deputies throughout the country, from top to bottom."

Under the new [liberal bourgeois] government [replacing the Tsarist regime], the Provisional Government, the war continued to be a predatory imperialist war, Lenin said. It was the task of the Party to explain this to the masses and to show them that unless the bourgeoisie were overthrown, it would be impossible to end the war by a truly democratic peace and not a rapacious peace.

As regards the Provisional Government, the slogan Lenin put forward was: "No support for the Provisional Government!"

Lenin further pointed out in the theses that our Party was still in the minority in the Soviets, that the Soviets were dominated by a bloc of Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, which was an instrument of bourgeois influence on the proletariat. Hence, the Party's task consisted in the following:

"It must be explained to the masses that the Soviets of Workers' Deputies are the only possible form of revolutionary government, and that therefore our task is, as long as this government yields to the influence of the bourgeoisie, to present a patient, systematic, and persistent explanation of the errors of their tactics, an explanation especially adapted to the practical needs of the masses. As long as we are in the minority we carry on the work of criticizing and exposing errors and at the same time we preach the necessity of transferring the entire power of state to the Soviets of Workers' Deputies...."

This meant that Lenin was not calling for a revolt against the Provisional Government, which at that moment enjoyed the confidence of the Soviets, that he was not demanding its overthrow, but that he wanted, by means of explanatory and recruiting work, to win a majority in the Soviets, to change the policy of the Soviets [...]

This was a line envisaging a peaceful development of the revolution.

Lenin further demanded that the "soiled shirt" be discarded, that is, that the Party no longer call itself a Social-Democratic Party. The parties of the Second International and the Russian Mensheviks called themselves Social-Democrats. This name had been tarnished and disgraced by the opportunists, the betrayers of Socialism. Lenin proposed that the Party of the Bolsheviks should be called the Communist Party, which was the name given by Marx and Engels to their party. [...]

Lastly, Lenin in his theses demanded the creation of a new International, the Third, Communist International, which would be free of opportunism and social-chauvinism. [...]

On April 14, a Petrograd City Conference of Bolsheviks was held. The conference approved Lenin's theses and made them the basis of its work.

Within a short while the local organizations of the Party had also approved Lenin's theses.

The whole Party, with the exception of a few individuals ... received Lenin's theses with profound satisfaction.


1. See "Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution (April Theses)," by V.I. Lenin, TML Weekly, May 6, 2017.

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February to October 1917
Brief Summary

The following is the Brief Summary which appears at the end of Chapter 7, "The Bolshevik Party in the Period of Preparation and Realization of the October Socialist Revolution," in The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course, 1939.


During the eight months, February to October 1917, the Bolshevik Party accomplished the very difficult task of winning over the majority of the working class and the majority in the Soviets, and enlisting the support of millions of peasants for the Socialist revolution. It wrested these masses from the influence of the petty-bourgeois parties (Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and Anarchists), by exposing the policy of these parties step by step and showing that it ran counter to the interests of the working people. The Bolshevik Party carried on extensive political work at the front and in the rear, preparing the masses for the October Socialist Revolution.

The events of decisive importance in the history of the Party at this period were Lenin's arrival from exile abroad, his April Theses, the April Party Conference and the Sixth Party Congress. The Party decisions were a source of strength to the working class and inspired it with confidence in victory; in them the workers found solutions to the important problems of the revolution. The April Conference directed the efforts of the Party to the struggle for the transition from the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the Socialist revolution. The Sixth Congress headed the Party for an armed uprising against the bourgeoisie and its Provisional Government.

The compromising Socialist-Revolutionary and Menshevik parties, the Anarchists, and the other non-Communist parties completed the cycle of their development: they all became bourgeois parties even before the October Revolution and fought for the preservation and integrity of the capitalist system. The Bolshevik Party was the only party which led the struggle of the masses for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the establishment of the power of the Soviets.

At the same time, the Bolsheviks defeated the attempts of the capitulators within the Party -- Zinoviev, Kamenev, Rykov, Bukharin, Trotsky and Pyatakov -- to deflect the Party from the path of Socialist revolution.

Headed by the Bolshevik Party, the working class, in alliance with the poor peasants, and with the support of the soldiers and sailors, overthrew the power of the bourgeoisie, established the power of the Soviets, set up a new type of state -- a Socialist Soviet state -- abolished the landlords' ownership of land, turned over the land to the peasants for their use, nationalized all the land in the country, expropriated the capitalists, achieved the withdrawal of Russia from the war and obtained peace, that is, obtained a much-needed respite, and thus created the conditions for the development of Socialist construction.

The October Socialist Revolution smashed capitalism, deprived the bourgeoisie of the means of production and converted the mills, factories, land, railways and banks into the property of the whole people, into public property.

It established the dictatorship of the proletariat and turned over the government of the vast country to the working class, thus making it the ruling class.

The October Socialist Revolution thereby ushered in a new era in the history of mankind -- the era of proletarian revolutions.

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Photo Review

On the occasion of the 100th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, TML Weekly is publishing a selection of photos, paintings and images that capture the spirit of the times in which the historic Revolution was brought into being by the Russian working class and peasantry under the leadership of V.I. Lenin and the Bolshevik Party. Dates given are based on the Julian calendar, in effect in Russia at that time.

February Revolution: February 23-March 3, 1917. Women marching for International Women's Day on February 23 under the slogan "Peace and Bread" are joined by striking workers and revolutionaries, with as many as 500,000 people protesting in Petrograd (shown here is the action at the Putilov factory). The demands highlight the people's rejection of Russia's participation in the imperialist carnage of World War I and the food rationing by the Tsarist government which has caused ongoing food shortages.

Despite most of the Bolshevik leadership being imprisoned or exiled, the collective action of the women and workers provides the spark for a mass uprising that topples the Tsar, while the events of the 1905 Revolution are still fresh in the people's minds. In January 1917, more than 140,000 workers go on strike to commemorate the 12th anniversary of Bloody Sunday, the start of the 1905 Revolution, when troops and police opened fire on a peaceful demonstration against the Tsar at the Winter Palace, killing and injuring some 1,000 people. A month later, on International Women's Day, some 100,000 workers are still on strike.
(Painting: "Working People Arise," artist unknown.)

Demonstration in Znamenskaya Square, Petrograd. Fifty demonstrators are killed here on February 26. By February 27, troops refuse to fire on protestors and many desert.

Also on February 27, a Temporary Committee of the State Duma and Petrograd is established. The Duma Executive Committee forms a provisional committee, composed primarily of Constitutional Democrats, and announces it will take control of the country. Meanwhile in the same location, Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries form the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers Deputies, thus bringing into being the birth of "the dual power" described by Lenin.

On March 2, Tsar Nicholas abdicates in favour of his brother Grand Duke Michael. The Duma Committee announces the formation of the Provisional Government, to rule until a Constituent Assembly is convened with Prince Georgy Lvov becoming the leader. The death penalty is abolished.

As the February Revolution breaks out, Lenin is in exile in Switzerland. When news of its success reaches him, he begins to write his "Letters from Afar." The first letter, shown here as printed in Pravda, discloses the bourgeois character of the Provisional Government and calls on the Russian proletariat to march forward to the Socialist revolution. Lenin writes: "Workers, you have displayed marvels of proletarian heroism, the heroism of the people, in the civil war against tsardom. You must now display marvels of organization, organization of the proletariat and of the whole people, in order to prepare the way for your victory in the second stage of the revolution."

Bolshevik leader Joseph Stalin returns to Petrograd from exile on March 12. In an article written the day after his return and published in Pravda, March 14, entitled "The Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies," he exhorts, "Workers, peasants and soldiers, unite everywhere to form Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, organs of the alliance and power of the revolutionary forces of Russia! Therein lies the guarantee of complete victory over the dark forces of old Russia."

Lenin arrives at Finland Station in Petrograd on the evening of April 3, after long years in exile. His return is of tremendous importance to the Bolshevik Party and the revolution. Thousands of workers, soldiers and sailors assemble at the train station and in its square to welcome him.
Their enthusiasm as Lenin alights from the train is captured in this painting by M. Sokolov.

In the square at Finland Station, Lenin mounts the roof of an armoured car and addresses the people, calling on them to fight for the victory of the Socialist revolution, concluding "Long live the Socialist revolution!" Stalin, who has met Lenin at the Byelo-Ostrov Station, is shown to the
left of him in this painting by V. Serov of Lenin's  first speech on returning to Russia.

The night of his return to Petrograd, Lenin begins to write the famous April Theses, shown here
as published in Pravda April 7 under the title "The Tasks of the Proleteriat in the Present Revolution." The April Theses provide the Party and the proleteriat with a clear revolutionary
line for the transition from the bourgeois to the socialist revolution. At right, Lenin delivers the April Theses on April 4.

  "April Crisis" -- April 18-May 2: The bourgeois capitalist nature of the Provisional Government
and its contradiction with the people's longstanding demand that Russia withdraw from World
War I is confirmed by a secret telegram sent by Minister Pavel Miliukov to Russia's allies. In it,
the Provisional Government promises Russia’s support until the war is won and stakes claims on Constantinople and the Dardenelles as Russia's portion of the spoils of war. This telegram is leaked and on April 20 people take to the streets with slogans such as "Down with the Ten Capitalist Ministers." Support for the Bolsheviks grows. Miliukov resigns and a cabinet shuffle establishes a new provisional government on May 5.

Vyacheslav Molotov, Stalin and Lenin in the editorial office of Pravda, in this drawing by P. Vasilyev. Pravda -- the Russian word for "truth" -- is the key link between the leadership of the Bolshevik Party and the masses.

The First All-Russia Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Soviets meets June 3-24. Much of the discussion focuses on relations between the Soviets and the Provisional Government, and Russia's participation in World War I. This drawing by P. Vasilyev shows the moment when the Menshevik leader Irakli Tsereteli asserts from the platform that no political party in Russia will say, "Hand over the power to us" and Lenin rises to his feet and loudly declares, "There is such a party! It is the Bolshevik Party!"

The Bolsheviks carry out extensive organizing in the army, both at the fronts and in the rear. In June 1917, an All-Russian Conference of Bolshevik Organizations in the Army is called. At the conference, two reports are delivered by Lenin (shown here in a painting by B. Vladimirsky) -- one on the current situation and the organization of power, and the other on the agrarian question. Stalin delivers a report on the national question.

The Bolshevik Party makes energetic preparations for a June 18 mass demonstration in Petrograd. In Pravda on June 17, Stalin calls on the workers and soldiers to participate under the slogans of the Bolshevik Party, namely, "Down with the Ten Capitalist Ministers;" "All Power to the Soviets of the Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies;" "It is Time the War is Stopped! Let the Soviet of Deputies Declare Just Terms of Peace;" "Neither a Separate Peace with [Kaiser] Wilhelm, Nor any Secret Treaties with the French and British Capitalists;" and "Peace, Bread, Freedom!"

Minister of War Alexander Kerensky launches the "June Offensive" on June 18 against Austria-Hungary forces in Galicia. Although the offensive is initially successful, the soldiers soon refuse to fight. Soldiers' committees debate orders and encourage soldiers to disobey officers. Many soldiers return home to take part in land redistribution. The offensive collapses four days later and the Austrians and Germans respond with a counteroffensive. The failure of the June Offensive further weakens the Provisional Government. Shown here are soldiers protesting in Petrograd on June 18, a mass demonstration in which 400,000 take part with banners bearing Bolshevik slogans.

On the basis of the decisions taken at the All-Russian Conference of Bolsheviks held in April, the Bolshevik Party carries out intensive activities in the Soviets, in the army, at workers' barracks, in workers' tenements, and among the peasantry. This painting by I. Brodsky shows Lenin addressing a meeting of workers in Petrograd. One worker at the Putilov factory, recalling a speech made there by Lenin, says, "His words stirred us, fired us. Fear vanished; fatigue passed away. And it seemed as if this was not only the voice of Lenin, but of all the 40,000 workers -- sitting, standing, clinging to the roof -- a voice giving utterance to their innermost thoughts."

July 3-7, later known as the "July Days." Some half million people participate in armed demonstrations of industrial workers and soldiers in Petrograd against the Provisional Government, including 20,000 sailors and a machine gun regiment. Shown here, Lenin speaks from the balcony of the Kshesinskaya Mansion (painting by A. Moravov).

Lvov resigns as leader of the Provisional Government and Alexander Kerensky takes over, and suppresses the demonstrations using troops loyal to the Provisional Government. On July 7, Kerensky becomes Prime Minister, and brings the Constitutional Democrats back into the Provisional Government.

The aborted July uprising results in the Soviets becoming an appendage of the Provisional Government, signifying the end of the "dual power." Kerensky issues warrants for the arrest of Lenin and other Bolshevik leaders. The offices of Pravda -- the headquarters of the Bolshevik Central Committee -- are raided and many Bolshevik leaders arrested. The Bolshevik Party goes underground and arranges for Lenin to go into hiding, and then into exile in Finland. Shown here, Lenin and his false papers for his passage into Finland.

July 25-August 3, the Sixth Bolshevik Party Congress is secretly convoked in Petrograd with over 150 delegates. Lenin is being hunted by agents of the Provisional Government and cannot attend, but guides the congress from hiding through his close comrades Stalin, Yakov Sverdlov, Molotov and Sergo Ordzhonikidze. The chief issues addressed are the political report of the Central Committee and the political situation. Stalin delivers both reports on these questions (shown above in a painting by S.V. Semenovich).

The decisions of the Bolshevik Party's Sixth Congress are to prepare the proletariat and the poorest peasantry for an armed uprising for the socialist revolution. The congress' Manifesto calls on the workers, peasants and soldiers to muster their forces for decisive battles with the bourgeoisie. It concludes: "Prepare, then, for the new battles, comrades-in-arms! Staunchly, bravely and calmly, without yielding to provocation, muster your forces and form your fighting columns! Rally under the banner of the Party, proletarians and soldiers! Rally under our banner, downtrodden of the villages!"

In late August, a failed coup by Commander of the Russian Army General Kornilov takes place, later known as the Kornilov Affair. Kornilov orders troops towards Petrograd to attack the Bolsheviks. "We will fight Kornilov," Lenin says, "Not for supporting Kerensky, but for exposing his weakness." Kerensky accepts the alliance and releases several Bolshevik leaders from prison while providing arms to the Bolshevik forces. The coup is defeated and the workers and soldiers lose further confidence in the Provisional Government. Shown here the sailors from Kronstadt and Vyoborg arrive in Petrograd to fight the Kornilov uprising.

Kornilov's coup attempt is defeated, his forces disarm and a short time later the second coalition government ends. The Kerensky government declares Russia a republic under the Provisional Government. It lasts less than six weeks before the Great October Socialist Revolution takes place. In early September, delegates for the Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets are elected. The Soviet Central Executive Committee gains support across Russia. One hundred and twenty-six Soviets demand power be turned over to the Petrograd Soviet, which passes a resolution supporting the Bolsheviks, 279 to 115. On September 4, many Bolshevik leaders are released from prison due to public pressure. Kerensky tries to disband the Military Committee and create a new coalition government. On September 8, sailors of the Baltic Fleet, through their elected organs, declare that they will not recognize the authority of the Provisional Government, nor will they execute any of its orders. On September 11, the Central Committee of the Black Sea fleet demands: "All power to the Soviets!" By the end of September, both the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets have Bolshevik majorities. Kerensky forms a third coalition government.

As the revolution unfolds, Lenin continuously sums up the experience of the Bolsheviks and the people, to ensure that the revolutionary forces are armed with the theory and outlook necessary
to take them to victory. Shown here is Lenin's fitting reply in September to the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties who claim that even if the Bolsheviks can take power, they will never be able to retain it. He subjects the arguments of the enemies of Bolshevism to annihilating
criticism: "More than at any other time, more than anywhere else, the proletariat of Russia,
if it assumes power now, can be certain of victory, and of a lasting victory."

Lenin returns to Petrograd in secret from exile in Finland on October 7. A critical moment in the revolutionary struggle has been reached and the Bolshevik Central Committee meets on October 10 to authorize proceeding to an armed uprising. Two members of the Central Committee, Lev Kamanev and Grigory Zinoviev, speak and vote against the historic decision. Leon Trotsky does not vote against the resolution but moves an amendment that would reduce the chances of the uprising to nil and render it stillborn. Nonetheless the Central Committee adopts the historic resolution drawn up by Lenin, shown here in manuscript form.

On October 20, the Petrograd Soviet establishes its Military Revolutionary Committee to prepare for the revolution on October 26. On October 21, Commissars of the Military Revolutionary Committee are sent with precise instructions to all revolutionary army units, including those
on the warship Aurora, who are given a key role to play. Meeting of the Petrograd Soviet,
shown here on October 22.

The Smolny Institute, headquarters of the Petrograd Soviet and Bolshevik Central Committee, becomes the headquarters for the October Revolution. Top: Lenin in the Smolny Institute during the days of the October Revolution (painting by M. Sokolov). Bottom: General Staff of the October Revolution -- Lenin, Stalin, Sverdlov, Felix Dzerzhinsky and Moisei Uritzky
(painting by V. Kuznetsov).

At 9:45 pm on October 25, the battleship Aurora trains its guns on the Winter Palace and fires the signal shot that begins the assault on the Palace and the start of the October Revolution
(top: unknown artist; bottom: V. Kuznetsov).

The Military Revolutionary Committee directs armed workers and soldiers to capture key
buildings in Petrograd. The General Post Office, train stations, power stations, the State Bank,
the central telephone exchanges and main government buildings are all taken over (painting
by K. Drozdov). The Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets opens.

  The historic October 25 statement from the Military Revolutionary Committee: "To the citizens of Russia: the Provisional Government has been overthrown. State power has passed into the hands of the organ of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, the Military Revolutionary Committee, which stands at the head of the Petrograd proletariat and garrison. The cause for which the people have fought --  the immediate proposal of a democratic peace; the abolition of landlordism, workers' control over production, the creation of a Soviet government -- is assured. Long live the revolution of the workers, soldiers and peasants!"

On October 26, the Bolsheviks take control of the Winter Palace at 2:00 am, the last remaining holdout of the Provisional Government. Kerensky flees Petrograd. Lenin declares Soviet power
at the historic meeting of the Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets at the Smolny Institute that same day (painting by D. Nalbandyan).

First decrees issued by new government -- the Decree on Land (left) abolishes private property
and redistributes land amongst the peasantry; the Decree on Peace calls on belligerents to conclude an immediate armistice for at least three months to allow for peace negotiations and calls for Russia's immediate withdrawal from World War I. Subsequent workers' decrees outline measures for an eight-hour working day, minimum wage and the running of factories. The death penalty is abolished once again. 

Lenin's important work The State and Revolution reviews the key events of 1917. In it, Lenin restores the revolutionary Marxist doctrine of the state, which had been vulgarized and distorted by the opportunists. He develops the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat and shows the Soviets to be the state form of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Shown here, part of the rough manuscript concerning the February Revolution, produced during Lenin's exile in Switzerland, and the cover of the first edition published in 1918.

(Photos, text and images: Lenin (V.I. Ulyanov), State Publishing House of Political Literature, 1939; online sources in public domain.)

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Historic Posters

Below is a selection from the many many posters produced in Russia and the Soviet Union in the years following the Great October Socialist Revolution. They celebrate anniversaries of this historic event and capture the optimism and spirit of the people as they build socialism under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party.

Celebrating the Great October Revolution

Left: One year of proletarian dictatorship, 1917-1918. Right: October 1917-1920.

Left: Ten years of October revolution. Right: Forward to October, 15 years of the
fight for socialism.

Left: Long live world socialist revolution. Right: Long live the 30th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution.

Defending the Great October Revolution

Left: Death to world imperialism. Right: Defend the Soviet Union, 1930.

Raise high the banner of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, 1933.

May Day -- International Day of Working Class Struggle and Unity

May Day poster, "Long Live the Fifth Anniversary of the Great Proletarian Revolution,"
celebrates the unity of workers around the world.


Left: Liberated women build socialism. Right: 1920s poster encouraging Tartar women to
join with proletarian Soviet women.

Left: In our collective there is no room for priests and kulaks. Right: International Women's Day.

Left: Poster encourages peasant women to join literacy campaign and consolidate unity of workers and peasants. Right: We will rebuild, 1946.

Developing Industry and Agriculture

Victory Over Fascism

Left: Motherland is calling. Right: No to fascism.

Left: The foe won't escape the people's vengeance, 1941. Right: Fascism is the worst enemy
of women. Everything to combat facism.

Left: Beat them hard my son. Right: Glory to the hero Partisans weakening the fascist rear.

Left: Long live the Party of Lenin and Stalin, organizer of our great victories, 1946;
Right: We will build a new world, 1942.

(Posters from online sources in public domain.)

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