Bertha Williams gave the example of how the Campbell Liberal Government of British Columbia, working with the federal government, bribed members of the Tsawwassen First Nation, especially those not living on their hereditary lands, into accepting a "fee simple" arrangement. In exchange for $16 million to be divided amongst the band members and other concessions, the Tsawwassen First Nation gives up all future land claims in their traditional territory. The Tsawwassen treaty negotiations were initiated in 2002 and the Treaty came into effect in 2009. Williams pointed out that the entire treaty process was forced through by the BC government despite being opposed by many people. She pointed out how the government's bribes and subsequent treaty process have sown division in the community, causing a great deal of strife. She added that she has sent letters to the federal government and other agencies to no avail because all levels of government collude in this criminal activity. She said that she and others in the community are still fighting, noting that she has taken her people's case to the United Nations. Professor Palmater noted that Conservative ideologues like Tom Flanagan have been preparing the ground for the Harper government's policies. She pointed out how Flanagan has written that First Nations peoples must abandon their "socialistic, communist outlook of collective rights" and join the "modern world." According to Flanagan's colonialist notion, Palmater noted, the way forward for First Nations in Canada is to abandon the collective stewardship of their traditional lands and become individual property owners with the "security" to be able to do what they wish to do with their title. In other words to adopt "fee simple" as a "choice."
Palmater pointed out that "fee simple" ownership of reserve lands has been introduced in some parts of the U.S. with disastrous consequences by opening the way for outside businesses and monopolies to take over reserve lands. She stated that there are strong indications the Harper government is planning to introduce legislation in the spring session of Parliament dealing with "First Nations property ownership." This legislation will be aimed at introducing private ownership of reserve lands. This will open the door for resource extraction monopolies, such as those in the mining and forestry sectors, to buy land on the reserves from impoverished First Nations families who have to sell their property in order to survive. In addition, such legislation opens the door to the federal government further abrogating its fiduciary responsibility to the First Nations on the grounds that the latter have now been given the means to ensure their own economic security. Armand MacKenzie noted that Indigenous peoples derive their very being in relation to the land and that their relationship to the land is not based on capitalist property relations, i.e., land cannot be "owned." He pointed out that Aboriginal peoples number about 1 million in Canada and lay claim to about 70 per cent of its land mass. Therefore, it is not accidental that the federal and provincial governments have tried since 1867 to assimilate Aboriginal peoples into "Canada" in order to facilitate the exploitation of the land and resources that are in this large territory. He pointed out that it is vital for Canadians to stand with Indigenous peoples who are fighting for their very survival and underscored the fact that the future of Canada and Canadians are linked to these struggles and together Canadians and Indigenous peoples must fight as one to ensure a bright future for all.
A vigorous discussion followed. People pointed out that privatization of reserve lands may negate Aboriginal land claims, because those lands in most, if not all, cases are part of traditional lands. The schemes of the Harper government were opposed by all present with the participants articulating in various ways that the struggle of the First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples for their hereditary and treaty rights is bound up in the struggle of Canadians for political renewal -- for a new Canada that recognizes the rights and claims of all, including those of the Indigenous peoples. One speaker pointed out that Aboriginal peoples cannot expect any solutions from those in power: "No one will give us sovereignty -- sovereignty is something we have to assert for ourselves, that is its nature." The question of opposition to the racism and colonial policies of the Canadian government was further developed in a presentation by Arthur Manuel (Secwepemc) on Saturday, November 27 at a session on "Mobilizing Support for Canada to Implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples." Manuel pointed out that the social conditions of Aboriginal peoples in Canada are directly related to the racist colonial policy of the Canadian state which seeks to exterminate the rights of Aboriginal peoples. He pointed out that after four years of foot-dragging the Canadian government finally endorsed the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, but noted that this endorsement does not mean that the Harper government or any provincial government is actually going to work with the Aboriginal peoples in a new way. The Canadian state and its governments, he said, are "stuck" in protecting "vested interests" and it is the responsibility of Canadians to fight for political changes that will bring about a new relationship with Aboriginal peoples in Canada.
Fighting for Rights Canadians Rendered to Torture Continue
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Rescue of the Chilean miners, October 13, 2010. (Xinhua) |
On August 5, Chileans received the horrific news that 33 miners were trapped 700 metres below the surface under tons of rock when a cave-in took place at the San José gold and copper mine. Seventeen days later, due in large part to their persistence, experience and strength, contact was made with the trapped miners. The government quickly used the happiness of the Chilean people at this good news and the euphoria at their eventual rescue on October 5 to cover up the real cause of the accident.
Various lessons can be learned from this near-tragedy. One lesson is that the working class is itself the embodiment of solidarity. Held together by bonds of loyalty and honour these workers were capable of overcoming the greatest obstacles without the help of owners who scurried away like rats when they learned of the mine's collapse. In the midst of adversity, the working class is able to find its bearings and collectively confront the difficulties that nature imposes. The trapped miners organized themselves and took responsibility for each other and facilitated their own survival despite the lack of resources and temperatures averaging more than 30 degrees Celsius. Another lesson is that it is clear that the main concern of the owners of this mine continues to be profiteering, without any hesitation to exploit the workers and trample their rights.
The San Estevan Mining Company is the owner of the medium-sized San José mine. It is a very old copper and gold mine, located in the Atacama Desert, the most arid desert in the world. This company has been in business for more than half a century and has amassed a large fortune.
For many years this mine has been denounced as unsafe. Between 2000 and 2004, workers made more than a dozen claims to various governmental authorities in the country. The majority of these public bodies did not act to protect the workers. Instead, they protected the interests of capital. There have been three fatal accidents in the last four years and two accidents which resulted in the injured workers having limbs amputated. The cave-in of August 5 was of such magnitude that it practically destroyed the galleries and the access ducts of the mine.
According to different specialists, this mine should never have been reopened in May 2008 (it was closed in 2007 due to a fatality). However, the mining company was able to continue its operation because of the legal and political authorities' disregard for people's lives. It has also now come to light that in order to increase their profits, the owners acted in a criminal and irresponsible manner. For example, despite the mine having unstable rock, they reduced the number of support beams. This included ordering the removal of beams that were in the way of mining machinery. Following the cave-in, the miners immediately tried to escape up the ladders in the ventilation shaft which was supposed to be the emergency exit. They discovered there were ladders only in part of the shaft, preventing their escape. Later, the entire shaft collapsed and there was no hope of using it. Without a doubt, if the mining company had ensured this emergency exit was in good condition, the miners would all have escaped within a few hours.
Why did these workers with so much experience work in this dangerous mine? Because for most there is only precarious employment. People are frequently forced to work in situations where fundamental rights are trampled and where the constitutional right to an eight hour workday is overlooked. Thousands of workers risk such dangerous conditions for lack of an alternative.
This cave-in was not an unforeseen and singular occurence; it is one of many that occur daily in the country. There are so-called accidents in almost all sectors of the economy and workers die because of the unscrupulous practices of owners trying to save money at the expense of the workers' health and safety. As a result of the deregulation of labour legislation, more workers are getting hurt in the construction, transportation, manufacturing and service sectors. This started under Pinochet's dictatorship and has increased under the post-Pinochet governments that have facilitated foreign investment and failed to establish any norms to protect workers.
Mining occupies the most important place in Chile's economy. Copper production was nationalized on July 11, 1971 under the government of Salvador Allende. At that time, all of the mines, which included some of the largest in the world, yielded more than 45 per cent of the gross national product. During the dictatorship, the process of privatization was started and today more than 74 per cent of copper extraction is in private hands, with generous conditions offered to foreign investors. Facilitating exploitive foreign investment has been the policy of all the post-dictatorship governments.
In the euphoria following the rescue of all the trapped miners, the message being put forward by the right-wing government of Chilean President José Piñera is for purposes of creating a false impression about its humanitarianism and contributions to national unity. Nothing is said of the criminal responsibility of the owners, who have declared themselves bankrupt. Who should assume responsibility for the well-being and livelihood of all the workers and their families who have now been two months without pay? Apart from the 33 miners, nothing is said about the fact that there are hundreds of others awaiting solutions and remuneration. Neither is anything said about the accidents which other Chilean miners have suffered as a result of these shameless policies that serve the private enterprises which profit from the most brutal exploitation.
Now the disinformation campaign begins in order to hide the true causes of this accident that once more has the workers and the companies as antagonists: the workers on the one hand suffering the rigours of a system founded on private property and the most extreme exploitation, and the companies becoming enriched at the expense of the workers and perpetuating a political system that benefits a small group of exploiters.
Today, more than ever the Chilean workers have to be vigilant. Under the smokescreen of new laws with the purported objective of increasing labour safety, the government persists in privatization and deregulating labour relations, always favouring private investment, both national and foreign, as an attack on the workers.
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