April 2, 2013 - No.
42
Increase Investments in
Education! Education Is a Right!
Alberta Government Demands Post-Secondary Institutions
Uphold Monopoly Right
Increase
Investments in
Education! Education Is a Right!
• Alberta Government
Demands
Post-Secondary
Institutions Uphold Monopoly Right -
Dougal MacDonald
• School
Boards
Reject
Proposed Bargaining Framework - Kevan Hunter
Who Speaks for Alberta?
• Tom
Flanagan's
Last
Stand - Peggy
Morton
The Legacy of Ralph
Klein
• Alberta as the Proving Ground of the
Anti-Social Offensive
Increase Investments in
Education! Education Is a Right!
Alberta Government Demands Post-Secondary Institutions
Uphold Monopoly Right
- Dougal MacDonald -
On March 23, the Alberta Minister of Enterprise and
Advanced Education, who is also Deputy-Premier, issued "letters of
expectation," previously called "mandate letters," to Alberta's
twenty-six post-secondary education institutions. Almost the same text
was sent to each university, college and technical institute with the
exception of the listing of the various funding amounts for individual
institutions. The letters followed the Redford regime's March 7
provincial budget that made drastic cuts of over seven per cent to
operating grants for most post-secondary education institutions, cuts
which the Minister arrogantly declared were "non-negotiable."[1]
The
letters purport to be agreements "regarding high level strategic
directions and performance expectations between the Board of Governors
of each institution and the Minister," however, the minister's notion
of agreement is that all post-secondary institutions must meekly accept
his government's predetermined agenda if they want to be funded.
The letters of expectation were issued under the
government's "Campus Alberta" hoax that what is required to advance
post-secondary education in Alberta is not to continually increase
funding to expand and improve education for the public good but to
decrease funding, to reduce "program duplication" (defined as where two
institutions offer similar programs), and to downsize and centralize
administration.[2] This two-pronged attack on higher
education
combines reduced funding and access with increased control of
decision-making by the Minister. Many suggest that the weakened
education system will eventually be run by a superboard, similar to
that already set up for health care, which would have sweeping powers
to administer monopoly dictate over all aspects of post-secondary
education. The health care superboard is dominated by representatives
of the monopolies, including a former vice-president of oilsands giant
Syncrude, and is chaired by the CEO of a trucking monopoly who knows
little or nothing about health care.
The letters' contents reaffirm that the Redford
regime is the champion of the mostly foreign-owned private energy
monopolies and aims at all times to find more ways to hand over to them
the human and natural wealth of the province so they can seize and
remove vast sums of money from the socialized economy. The letters are
rife with phrases upholding monopoly right such as that institutional
resources should be "allocated in ways that best achieve the following
desired outcomes: Albertans are engaged in lifelong learning [code for
retraining to serve industry], Alberta's workforce is skilled and
productive, Alberta demonstrates excellence in research, innovation,
and commercialization; and Alberta's economy is competitive and
sustainable."
Other examples include: "Enhance your work with business
and industry,"
"align your institution's international efforts with...business and
industry in support of the objectives and outcomes identified in
Alberta's International Strategy,"[3] and "anticipate
and respond to
labour market demands."
The letters also boast that their content aligns
with the province's recently declared "results-based budgeting" (RBB)
approach which also serves the monopolies. RBB conceives of everything,
including education, health care, and other social programs, as one of
twelve "lines of business," all of which must help fulfil seven
declared outcomes, including "preserve the province's finances,"
"innovative responsible resource development," and "build relationships
and markets." Each designated line of business is overseen by an
eight-member panel consisting of appointed representatives of
government and industry, the latter euphemistically called "public
members." Specifically in terms of post-secondary education, RBB boils
down to the issue that the universities, colleges, and technical
institutes must implement fiscal austerity while also concentrating on
and filling those programs of study that best meet the needs of the
monopolies. One obvious implication is that important programs such as
the fine arts will be increasingly downgraded as mere "frills."
The idea that the provincial government gives
itself the right to arbitrarily and directly transmit instructions to
the universities, colleges and technical institutes in the interests of
the monopolies is a sinister development and smacks of fascism.
Certainly post-secondary education is being more and more restructured
to serve the monopolies, for example, by expanding business programs
that promote nation-wrecking and incoherence, by promoting ideologues
of imperialist doctrines such as "responsibility to protect," and by
broadening research in areas such as oilsands technology. At the
same time, the budget cuts and the issuing of the letters are open
attacks on university autonomy and a further threat to the independence
of those who produce all the added-value by teaching and working within
the institutions, as well as a thinly veiled warning to any faculty and
staff who are critical of the government of the rich. Perhaps the next
step will have all post-secondary students and employees swearing Cold
War loyalty oaths to the Redford regime and the monopolies her
government represents.
Many students, faculty, and support staff and their
allies continue to build organized resistance to the cuts and the
letters of expectation. Even members of the University of Alberta Board
of Governors have stated in an open letter to Premier Redford that the
U of A "will be set back many years by the cuts that will have to be
made to absorb the decrease in our provincial funding." Rallies,
marches, and town hall meetings have denounced the Redford attack on
education and have put forth the logical solution that more revenue
must be demanded from the energy monopolies and invested in
post-secondary education. It is no accident that two of the placards
carried by demonstrators have been Increase Investments in Education
and Stop Paying the Energy Monopolies. Students, academic
staff, support staff and their allies must continue to oppose the
Redford regime's plan to further subjugate post-secondary education to
the plans of the private monopolies. They must continue the fight for a
modern education system that serves the public good as part and parcel
of the fight for a new society, a society that guarantees the right to
education for all.
Notes
1. Operating grants to
Alberta's five publicly
funded, private, faith-based university colleges were not reduced.
2. While the government asserts that
multiple
post-secondary institutions offering similar programs in different
parts of the province is "duplication," it has no objection to multiple
private oil companies similarly exploiting Alberta's petroleum
resources.
3. Alberta's International Strategy
is to
further sell out the province by increasing direct foreign investment
and increasing the export of unprocessed raw resources, especially
petroleum resources.
School Boards Reject Proposed Bargaining Framework
- Kevan Hunter -
On March 19, the two largest school boards in
Alberta voted against the proposed agreement between the Government of
Alberta and the Alberta Teachers' Association (ATA).
The Edmonton Public School Board (EPSB) unanimously
voted to advise the Alberta School Boards Association (ASBA) not to
endorse the agreement. The EPSB says that it will face a $15 - $18
million shortfall and will not be able to provide the current level of
service to students, and that the agreement will likely result in
staff reductions. The Calgary Board of Education (CBE) followed suit,
releasing an open letter to Calgarians the next day. Both boards object
to the role that Alberta Education will play in dealing with issues of
teacher workload, and object to an agreement to which the boards were
not a party. The Holy Spirit school board (covering Catholic schools in
Coaldale, Lethbridge, Picture Butte, Pincher Creek and Taber) also
recommended that the
ASBA not endorse the agreement.
Individual boards have been asked to ratify the
proposed agreement by May 13. The Alberta Teachers' Association will
continue to hold ratification votes despite the rejection of the offer
by the two largest boards in the province. The government maintains it
has the option to simply enforce its will through legislation in the
event teachers and/or school boards vote to reject the agreement.
While the two largest school boards in the province
are certainly understandably opposed to an agreement made without their
input, the claim the boards are making that this agreement benefits
teachers and the government but not students is very irresponsible.
Public education funding in Alberta has been frozen
by the provincial government for the next three years, while at the
same time funding for private schools has actually increased. There
will be 11,000 new students in the province, with no new teachers hired
to teach these students. The government left school boards with an
unacceptable situation.
The CBE and EPSB describe this as an agreement
they "cannot afford." In a sense this is correct -- to have more
students in classes and not be able to hire more teachers is an
unsustainable situation. Instead of laying the blame where it belongs,
squarely on the government and its refusal to adequately fund
education, the boards are blaming teachers. The two boards both state
that their "costs" will go up next year, because teachers are moving up
on the pay grid, based on teaching experience and years of education.
This is where the boards are confused. Teachers are not a "cost" to be
minimized! Without teachers, education cannot take place. Experienced
teachers are an asset and as such they have a greater claim on the
social product produced by the workers of Alberta. The boards should do
their duty and inform students, parents, and the community as to what
the austerity budget means to students who will be packed into
overcrowded classrooms with too few teachers.
The boards also fail to recognize the value of
teachers' expertise and professional judgement. The CBE writes: "We are
concerned that the proposed agreement concentrates much of the
decision-making for student learning in the teachers' union," and "We
are concerned that the proposed agreement gives individual teachers
exclusive control over their professional learning."
A recent survey confirmed that teacher workloads
continue to rise. A typical teacher in Calgary now works for 61 hours
per week. Teachers must be involved in the solution as the status quo
is not sustainable.
The ATA explains that the agreement "initiates
facilitated dialogue on teachers' assigned workload at the provincial
and local levels while establishing a realistic and enforceable
expectation that teachers' instructional duties will not expand beyond
current provincial norms and in many cases will be reduced. The offer
requires the government to consult with teachers through their
Association and through a Teacher Development and Practice Advisory
Committee on critical policy and regulatory matters that would
otherwise be determined without the involvement of teachers. The offer
facilitates and provides a budget for local concerns to be addressed
through local collective bargaining and establishes an arbitration
process to settle remaining issues in dispute."
This part of the agreement does allow teachers to
tackle some real problems. For years, teachers have been stating that
they need time-consuming non-instructional tasks, such as the CBE's
Results Reporting, off the table so that they can focus their finite
energy on students and their learning.
But there is no getting around the reality that the
budget means fewer teachers while the number of students continues to
grow. While teachers welcome even small steps to provide teachers with
more say in their working conditions, so long as the schools are being
robbed of resources, a solution to the issue of workload will not be
found. It is all the more unacceptable that this theft is taking place
to provide funds to pay the rich. It is high time the school boards
demand that the government provide proper funding, instead of attacking
teachers. School boards should join teachers in fighting for public
education, starting by setting out what funding is required to sustain
current programming, what is required to reduce teachers' workload to a
sustainable level, and what is required to guarantee the right to
the
highest quality education for all.
Who Speaks for Alberta?
Tom Flanagan's Last Stand
- Peggy Morton -
On February 27, 2013, the Southern Alberta Council
on Public Affairs (SACPA) and the University of Lethbridge hosted a
talk on the abolishment of the Indian Act with Tom Flanagan.
Flanagan is a University of Calgary professor of political science,
former advisor to Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Wildrose campaign
strategist in the 2012 Alberta election.
During the talk, Levi Little Mustache asked
Flanagan about a comment made to the student paper The Manitoban
back in 2009 in which he stated, "But that's actually another
interesting debate or seminar: what's wrong with child pornography --
in
the sense that it's just pictures?" Flanagan's response was filmed by
Arnell Tailfeathers and posted to YouTube. The video went
viral and led to the University of Calgary announcing Flanagan's early
retirement, CBC's Power and Politics dropping him as a commentator and
the University of Calgary announcing that Flanagan would remain on
sabbatical until he retired later in 2013 but would not return to the
classroom.
Flanagan was a darling of the media and political
class, despite his falling out with Stephen Harper whom he mentored and
groomed for his rise to power. His entire academic career centred on
opposing affirmation of the hereditary, treaty and constitutional
rights of First Nations, Métis and Inuit. He has advocated what amounts
to forced assimilation through such means as turning aboriginal lands
into private property, which can be bought up by the resource
monopolies and other private interests. He is the architect of much of
Harper's current legislative assault on First Nations' rights. His
promotion in academia and the monopoly media as an "expert" on
aboriginal questions is a grave insult to First Nations, Métis and
Inuit and a disservice to Canadians.
The self-righteous and self-serving condemnation of
Flanagan by the Prime Minister's Office (PMO), the Wildrose Party, the
Alberta PCs and the media did not extend to his remarks on residential
schools. Residential schools were one of the pillars of the Canadian
government's genocidal efforts to assimilate First Nations. Children
were forcibly removed from their families and nations and violently
deprived of their right to be. Many died of neglect, of abuse or while
trying to escape these prisons and return to their homes. Children were
subjected to sexual and other forms of assault on a wide scale.
Flanagan told the National
Post that he was asked a
rambling series of questions about aboriginal issues, claiming he had
been tricked into making an intemperate remark for which he later
apologized. Levi Little Mustache and Arnell Tailfeathers, who filmed
the lecture, spoke about what happened on February 27, now being called
Flanagan's Last Stand on Indigenous Waves radio.
They explained that the majority of those who attended the lecture were
First Nations peoples and their allies and supporters, including
survivors of the residential schools. During his lecture, Flanagan
described residential schools as a "visionary program." "Grand,
utopian, visionary changes [to First Nations education] have all
failed. Residential schools, that was a visionary program," Flanagan
said. Little Mustache asked a very direct question regarding
Flanagan's remarks on child pornography, relating it to the sexual
abuse of aboriginal children in residential schools. Little Mustache's
question brought forward the fact that Flanagan also considers
residential schools a "victimless" failed experiment.
The CBC also turned a blind eye when Flanagan
openly advocated assassination on the program Power and Politics.
"I
think
that
[Julian]
Assange
should
be
assassinated,
actually.
I
think
that
Obama
should
put
on
a contract and maybe use a drone or
something," he stated on the program.
What the media do not want to discuss is that as
a leading ideologue of monopoly right, Flanagan simply does not
recognize any other rights, including the right of children not to
suffer abuse, especially when it is inflicted by state sanctioned
institutions.
It is therefore extremely fitting that Idle No
More
and First Nations activists have the honour of dispatching Tom
Flanagan. That such statements can no longer be made openly is no
thanks to the political and economic elite who are now expressing their
disgust in a most hypocritical manner. Until this exposure took place,
he was given a place of honour whose opinion was sought on the struggle
of First Nations to affirm their rights and who supposedly spoke for
"Alberta." No monopoly media source has acknowledged that the First
Nations and youth were there to oppose Tom Flanagan's arrogant colonial
stand.
The honour of bringing to an end Tom
Flanagan's
media career as an "expert" on aboriginal questions and
spokesperson for "Alberta" rightly goes to the First Nations and the
students and people of Lethbridge who took a stand.
(Part Two of "Who
Speaks for Alberta:
Tom Flanagan's Last Stand" will be published next week.)
The Legacy of Ralph Klein
Alberta as the Proving Ground of the
Anti-Social Offensive
Albertans fight
against privatization of health care under the Klein government, April
2000.
Ralph Klein, the Premier of Alberta from 1992 to 2006,
died in
Calgary on March 29, 2013 at the age of 70. Under Klein, Alberta became
the proving ground for the anti-social offensive in Canada. The
justification used was the need to pay the moneylenders for the debt
and deficit, which had been accumulated
through handing over billions mainly to the foreign-owned oil, gas and
forest monopolies. Funding was withdrawn from social programs and
services on which society relied, on the basis that government has no
responsibility to look after the well-being of anyone but the most
powerful.
The government made devastating cuts to health care,
education and
social programs, an attack which forms an enduring legacy today.
Layoffs, closures of nursing schools, cuts to medical school
enrollments and failure to hire and train new staff created a huge
deficit in the crucial assets that society needs. The
Calgary General Hospital was literally blown up, and the Holy Cross and
Grace Hospitals were handed over to private interests. Thousands of
beds were closed and a disastrous reorganization imposed. Similar
brutal cuts took place in education, social assistance and many other
social programs and public services.
Public assets were handed over to private interests, removing all
public control over these services and handing over revenue sources to
owners of capital. Public sector workers were forced to take a five per
cent cut in wages and suffered from the loss of benefits, unsustainable
workloads and insecurity.
Klein, a radio and TV personality, was elected mayor of
Calgary on
October 15, 1980. As Mayor, he became infamous for attacking the youth
from across the country who went to Alberta for work.
A former Liberal Party supporter, Klein entered
provincial politics
as a Conservative in the 1989 general election. Following the
resignation of Premier Don Getty, he was elected leader of the Alberta
Progressive Conservative Party and became the Premier of Alberta on
December 14, 1992. He resigned in 2006
after receiving a low vote in the PC leadership review.
Today, Klein's fraudulent electoral majorities are used
as proof of
his "great popularity" with Albertans. But facts speak louder than
words about these majorities. In the 1993 election, Klein won 51 of the
83 seats in the legislature and about 45 per cent of the popular vote.
Both the number of seats and the percentage
of the popular vote increased in the next two elections. In 2004, the
PCs took 62 seats and 47 per cent of the popular vote. However, looking
at voter turnout suggests a quite different conclusion, one that
reflects the marginalization of people from the political process,
which intensified during the Klein era. In 1993,
the PCs received a total of 439,981 votes. In 2004, despite the fact
that the population of Alberta had increased by 637,000 people to
3,201,895, the number of votes the Tories received was 417,092 or about
22,000 fewer than in 1993. Overall in 2004, almost 100,000 fewer people
voted than in 1993.
In the 2012 election campaign, the PCs were forced to
declare "this
is not Ralph Klein's Conservative Party" in order to distance
themselves from the broad wrecking that characterized the Klein years.
Despite this, now they are revealing how desperate they are by claiming
Klein's vicious anti-social offensive
is a lasting achievement carried out by a premier with "immense
personal popularity." Prime Minister Stephen Harper summed up this view
writing, "Alberta and Canada have lost a unique and significant leader.
While Ralph's beliefs about the role of government and fiscal
responsibility were once considered radical,
it is perhaps his greatest legacy that these ideas are now widely
embraced across the political spectrum."
The Edmonton Journal ran an editorial
entitled, "Ralph
Klein legacy still endures" on the day following Klein's death stating,
"It's true that we have a deficit again, but it is Klein's enduring
bequest to the province that raising taxes is now almost beyond the
pale, that Albertans instinctively view
such troubles as a spending problem, not a revenue one, and that the
relatively small amounts of red ink have become a major political
problem for the Redford government."
Salesman for the Monopolies
The lead article in the Calgary Herald
on March 30 focussed on Klein's role in selling out the oilsands. The
item reads, "As a politician, Ralph Klein may never be remembered as a
statesman, but he was the salesman the oilsands needed in the
1990s....By implementing a generic oilsands royalty in 1997 and an
unprecedented focus on Washington to promote Alberta as the long-term
solution to the U.S.'s long-sought security of oil supply, Klein's
government helped alter the course of oilsands development. Along with
the advances in horizontal drilling
and steam injection technology that took the industry beyond open pit
mines and tailings ponds, it set off one of the biggest oil booms in
history.
"When Klein became premier, oilsands production was
375,000 barrels
a day. By the time he retired in 2006 it was more than 1.1 million.
This year, oilsands production will surpass two million barrels a day."
Missing in such a discussion is the neo-liberal agenda
imposed on the peoples all over the world beginning with free trade in
1987, how U.S. imperialism converted Alberta into its annexed territory
and secure source of oil for its war machine and how Ralph Klein
facilitated this. It seems the intent is to convince Albertans that it
was the popular will translated into the legal will which demanded this
wrecking of society, not the monopolies for whose benefit this
destruction has been carried out.
Even more significant is how the resistance of the
workers and
people of Alberta is disappeared from the narrative, both during the
Klein years and today when they continue to learn from their
experience. Albertans gained rich experience in acts of resistance
against the anti-social offensive, which gave rise to
the demand for political renewal, a pro-social program and a new
direction for the economy.
The Working Class Must Lead With its Independent
Program
An
enduring lesson from this period is that the working class must lead
with its independent program and politics. The pressure exerted on the
resistance at that time was to conciliate with the pay-the-rich agenda
and accept that cuts
were necessary but should be orderly and planned. The full force of the
organized resistance of the working class was thus unable to assert
itself, despite the magnitude of the opposition.
For the people, the Klein era stands as a reminder of
the necessity
for the independent politics of the working class and the necessity to
end the domination over the economic and political affairs of Alberta
and Canada by the oil, gas, oilsands and other monopolies such as the
banks with whom they are merged.
Resistance to the
austerity agenda implemented by the Klein government. From top: Nurses
protest cuts to health care, 1993; Calgary laundry workers on strike,
1995; May Day celebrations, 1998 and 2000; Protest against health care
privatization, 2000; Teachers and their allies oppose back-to-work
legislation, 2002. (TML,
Alberta Labour History Institute)
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