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September 14, 2012 - No. 114 Free the Five Cuban Patriots Imprisoned by the U.S.! Fourteen Years Too Many! Free the Five Now!
Free
the
Five
Cuban Patriots Imprisoned by the U.S.! Celebrations
of
Friendship
with Cuba Free the Five Cuban Patriots Imprisoned by the U.S.! Fourteen Years Too Many! Free the Five Now!September 12 marked the 14th anniversary of the unjust imprisonment of the Cuban Five, Fernando González Llort, René González Sehwerert, Antonio Guerrero Rodríguez, Gerardo Hernández Nordelo and Ramón Labañino Salazar, Cuban patriots imprisoned for reporting to U.S. authorities terrorist activities against Cuba carried out from U.S. soil. A related anniversary was marked on September 4, the 15th anniversary of the death of Fabio Di Celmo, a Montrealer of Italian origin killed in 1997 by a bomb set by anti-Cuban terrorists in the Copacabana Hotel in Havana where he was staying. The Cuban Five were sentenced to lengthy prison terms in September 1998 for their work to expose the notorious anti-Cuban terrorist groups based in Miami which are instigated and funded covertly or overtly by the U.S. government. Since their arrest, the U.S. government, despite its claims of being opposed to terrorism, has done nothing to end terrorism against Cuba launched from U.S. soil. Instead, it has done everything in its power to submit the five Cuban patriots to vindictive treatment, beginning with 17 months of solitary confinement before the start of their trial in Miami in November 2000.
Even though René González was released from prison in Marianna, in northern Florida on October 7, 2011, after 13 years of unjust imprisonment, the U.S. government refuses to let him leave the country. The struggle to liberate the Five continues. To add further insult to these injustices, the U.S. has overlooked the self-admitted terrorist Luis Posada Carriles' presence in the U.S. Vindicated of some minor immigration charges in 2010, since then this mastermind of various terrorist attacks against Cuba has roamed the streets of Miami as a free man where he continues to conspire with his criminal counterparts. This is the self-righteous hypocrisy of a country that has carried out state-sponsored terrorism against Cuba for decades, as well as its notorious coup d'etat against Chile in 1973, amongst many other crimes including today the drone attacks in Pakistan, and others that have yet to come to light. The United States persists
in denying the Five their
freedom, according to their politics of revenge against the Cuban
people who defend its sovereignty and independence. The families of
the Cuban Five are similarly victimized because they are denied visas
to
enter the United States to visit their loved ones in prison. Justice-loving people in Canada, the United States and around the world demand the immediate release of the five patriots. In addition to the thousands of ordinary citizens, many public personalities, Members of Parliament and organizations have spoken in favour of their release.
TML calls on everyone to go all out to support the work of the Tribunal by sending delegates to the meeting and popularizing its verdict and the case of the Cuban Five. Organizations and individuals can endorse the People's Tribunal and register to participate by visiting the official website for the event, where the program, poster and brochure can also be found: www.freethe5peoplestribunal.org Join the Work to Free the Cuban Five and
A Father's Plea for JusticeFabio Di Celmo was an Italian tourist who, while visiting Cuba, lost his life on September 4, 1997. A resident of Montreal, Fabio was the innocent victim of a terrorist attack against Cuba. On the 15th anniversary of his death, his father, Giustino Di Celmo, recounts its impact.
***There is no greater pain than the one felt by a father over the death of his son, even more so when that son has died a violent and cruel death... Fifteen years ago, on September 4 of 1997, a murderous
bomb that was planted at the lobby of the Copacabana Hotel, cut short
the
life of Fabio Di Celmo, my son, my Fabiucho, a young man who had barely
lived 32 years when he became an innocent victim of a terrorist action
that plunged my entire family
into grief and despair... Recently, on June 1, 2012, the day when Fabio would have celebrated his 47 birthday, his mother, Ora Bassi, who for more than sixty years had been my wife and my love, passed away. Ora shared with me the pain of having lost Fabio, our youngest son. She died without the comfort of knowing that the person who masterminded and ordered that terrorist action had been tried for his crime. That is not fair.
Luis Posada Carriles masterminded the terrorist action that killed my son. I will never forget the statements made by this criminal, which were published by The New York Times on July 12 and 13 of 1998. After recognizing that he had hired the murderous hand of the Salvadoran mercenary who planted the bomb at the Copacabana Hotel, he confessed to the journalist, without any decency, that he was not concerned about Fabio's death and that he slept like a baby because.... "The Italian was in the wrong place at the wrong time." However, despite innumerable denunciations, Luis Posada Carriles, a confirmed and confessed terrorist, is walking freely down the streets of Miami and has been awarded several recognitions and honors granted by the Cuban-American mafia and the extreme right of the United States of America. The farce of his trial at El Paso, Texas, was the last straw. He was only tried for being a liar, although evidence showed that he had masterminded the action that caused Fabio's death... And then I ask you: How is it possible that a country that is said to condemn terrorism is sheltering a terrorist with such a long record of crimes, including the blowing up in mid-air of a CUBANA airliner off the coasts of Barbados, the murder of hundreds of Venezuelans and the death of my son? How is it possible that the US Government includes Cuba in a list of terrorist countries when Cuba has only been a victim of the terrorist actions perpetrated by the criminals that the US Government itself has hired and protected? Why is it that the big media do not say that the Five Cuban anti-terrorists are still imprisoned in the United States for trying to prevent the commission of terrorist actions in Cuba while the terrorists are living in freedom in the United States? How is it possible that the big media remain silent in the face of such injustice, thus denying the American people the opportunity to know the truth? I could ask many more questions which will make my statement endless. The answers to those questions would confirm the double-standards of the US Government and the big media when it comes to terrorism. I only wanted to tell all of you that I am a hard-working and peace-loving man, a 92 year-old man who, despite his pain, does not harbor any ill feelings of revenge. Since Fabio died I swore to have no rest until justice is served, and so I decided to stay in Cuba. I want to be part of the struggle that this country is waging for justice. I swore I would stay in Cuba until the final moments of my life because, as I have said many times, everyday I see Fabio walking down the streets of Havana; at the court where he used to play football; at the restaurant he longed to have, which is now named after him. Day after day I pass by the house where Fabio used to live and I feel that by doing that I can look after him, because a good father never abandons his children. I am very grateful to all those persons who have given me words of encouragement; those who have not abandoned me in this struggle for truth and justice; those who work to knock down the wall of silence that surrounds the terrorist actions perpetrated against Cuba; the Cuban Five, who infiltrated the Miami mafia groupings and risked their lives, their families and their happiness to try to prevent the commission of terrorist actions like the one that cut short the life of my son. I feel grateful to the Government and the Communist Party of Cuba, the Cuban Institute of Friendship with the Peoples, the Cuban-Italy Friendship Association, La Villeta, the Comitato Fabio Di Celmo and all other institutions that both in Cuba as well as in Italy have supported me in this endeavor. My special gratitude goes to the people of Cuba, to each and every one of those persons whom I meet in the streets and hug me on behalf of Fabio. All of them make me feel that the members of the Di Celmo family are not alone when we keep on crying out for JUSTICE for Fabio before the deaf ears of the government that is sheltering the mastermind of these actions... Finally, I would like to convey my gratitude and respect to Commander Fidel Castro. I want Fidel to know that I will never cease in the struggle to bring Posada Carriles and all other terrorists to justice. I will always reject the hypocrisy and double standards of the United States Government. I will never get tired of living up to my determination, of struggling until the last moments of my life. I dream of hugging Fidel again, as he once hugged me and Ora, and telling him: Did you see, my Commander? Justice has been served! ....the terrorist have been prosecuted...No one else will ever cry for their crimes, as Tiziana, Livio, my wife and I did...! I ask all of you to allow me to fulfill this dream. Together we could make it, if we denounce the injustice and double standards of the imperialists; if we struggle to have Posada Carriles extradited to Venezuela so that he is tried for the crimes he committed; if we all struggle for the freedom of the Cuban Five and for peace in a better world for all. Thank you, very much.
A Challenge to JournalismThe government of the United States committed flagrant violations of the Constitution and Law to guarantee the unjust convictions of the five Cuban patriots who will soon complete 14 years of arbitrary and illegal punishment. It was not an isolated act but rather a systematic effort that encompassed the period of the Five's prosecution, in which many millions of dollars were invested. There is still only partial information about the duration, the persons involved, the resources used and other important aspects of this operation. Regardless, that conduct requires the authorities -- both the Court and the Executive -- to provide for the immediate freeing of our compañeros. Washington has also conspired to hide what it did, thus committing an additional crime, that of cover-up. This is the essence of the Affidavit that Martin Garbus, attorney for Gerardo Hernández Nordelo, has just submitted to Joan Lenard, judge of the Southern District of Florida. The text supports his previous motion demanding the overturning of Gerardo's conviction, and failing that, for the judge to order discovery of all the evidence the Government is hiding, and to grant an oral hearing.
The substance of this conspiracy was using that media to unleash a propaganda campaign of unprecedented hatred and hostility. For that they employed a considerable number of "journalists" -- in reality, undercover Government agents -- who published articles and commentaries that were repeated day and night, producing a real storm of misinformation. From Nov. 27, 2000, when the trial began, to June 8, 2001, when they were declared guilty, The Miami Herald and El Nuevo Herald alone published 1,111 articles, an average of more than five per day. Something similar occurred with the Diario Las Américas, completely saturating the written press. The "journalists" received pay from Radio and TV Martí, in other words, from the U.S. federal budget. These individuals did additional work in those two stations, which was disseminated in the Miami area, where both anti-Cuba media had and still have direct transmission. It was also reproduced through local media (another violation of U.S. law that prohibits official propaganda within the United States). It is not just Radio and TV Martí and the print newspapers. The so-called "journalists" appeared also on local radio and television stations, in Spanish and in English, and they used other publications -- some free -- which are circulated there. It was impossible to escape the endless propaganda in any part of southern Florida. But the criminal action of the "journalists" -- and of the Government that paid them -- went beyond propaganda. During the trial the defense complained several times that the journalists tried to influence the members of the jury, by revealing materials that the judge had ruled inadmissible, which obviously only the U.S. Attorney's office could have provided. And if this were not enough, the "journalists" were determined to harass the witnesses and jurors. The jurors complained to the Judge that they were afraid, that they were pursued with cameras and microphones, something acknowledged several times by Judge Lenard, who asked the government, obviously without success, that it assist in preventing situations that tarnished the image of the U.S. judicial system. (See the official trial transcript, pages 22, 23, 111, 112, 625, 11644-14646). In August 2005, the three judges of the Court of Appeals ruled unanimously to declare null and void the Miami trial because it was conducted under what they described as "a perfect storm of prejudice and hostility" created precisely by the local media. When they issued the historic opinion, the three judges did not know, nor could they know, that the one responsible for that "perfect storm" was the Prosecution that failed in its constitutional duty to uphold the law and guarantee a fair trial. The first news of the Government's conspiracy with its paid "journalists" surfaced a year later, in September 2006. Since then, the Government has resisted the efforts of U.S. civil society organizations to have the government comply with the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), and reveal the extent of these payments and contracts. The Prosecution has also opposed the demand contained in the extraordinary appeals of our compatriots and has threatened to resort to "executive privilege" and the pretext of national security to perpetuate the cover-up. The case of the Five has a strange relationship with the media and journalistic profession. In Miami the media was a decisive instrument to convict them. Outside of Miami they are punished with silence. The irrefutable denunciation of Martin Garbus presents a challenge to professional journalists. Will they maintain the silence again, making themselves accomplices of those who sullied their noble profession? Or will they rescue the honor of their profession by calling for the charlatans to be unmasked and that truth and justice prevail? Part TwoThe great irony in the case of the Cuban Five seems to be its relationship with the media. In Miami, the case had out-of-proportion coverage, and the "journalists" and local media were instrumental in the creation of an environment of irrational hatred that would result in the outcome predetermined by the government. Self-appointed professional journalists distorted the facts, lied and fabricated an image that showed the accused as present threats to the community. In their role as covert government hirelings, these "journalists" fulfilled the task they were paid to perform. They coordinated their actions with the prosecution and terrorist groups from the early stages of jury selection; and they did this especially to introduce -- more than seven months after the arrest -- a new and totally fabricated accusation of "conspiracy to commit murder." Most of the trial and media attention revolved around this infamous slander. The jurors were constantly overwhelmed by interviews and press conferences with colleagues and relatives of the victims, conducted right in front of them, outside the courtroom. Then, at home they would see and hear this repeated on radio and TV. In their own homes they could see themselves being followed by cameras and microphones as they were leaving the courthouse. Outside Miami, the trial of the Five did not catch the interest of the big corporate media. Details of the case were not reflected in news agency dispatches, published in the print media, or covered by radio or TV outside Florida. It found no space -- not even once -- on the TV channels that are devoted exclusively, 24 hours a day, to reporting US court occurrences. How to explain such a disinterest? It was, at the time, the longest trial in the history of the United States. Generals, colonels, high-ranking officials and experts, an admiral and an advisor to the president were called as witnesses; well-known terrorists identified as such -- some of them wearing their war-trade costumes -- took the stand. This was a squabble implying international relations and issues related -- truly or allegedly -- to national security and terrorism, the favorite topics of the big media. But nobody said anything except the local media. For the rest of the people the trial simply did not exist. The subject was ignored outside Miami. But there, local correspondents and broadcast stations reported everyday and took part enthusiastically in the media madness that flooded the city. The ironclad censorship imposed on the case allowed for the amazing impunity with which the authorities protected the terrorists and, unjustly and cruelly, punished five men who confronted them heroically, unarmed, without resorting to violence, without hurting anyone. The prosecution never concealed that this was its purpose. They clearly said it several times, as can be read in the records of the proceedings. They had no concerns, because they trusted the silence of the big media and knew the general public seldom reads official records or attends court sessions, and finds out what happens through journalistic accounts. The jurors, for their part, day after day for more than half a year, saw how the prosecutors held friendly chats with witnesses who bragged of their violent militancy and their terrorist accomplishments; they heard the strong statements of the former and the threatening diatribes of the latter. When they got home to their families and neighbors, they were harassed by the same images. These were known faces and voices. They had been seen shortly before, when they kidnapped the 6-year-old child, Elián González. They defied the federal government and its judges, created chaos in the city and threatened to set it on fire. The jurors remembered that nobody had been punished or prosecuted then. They had witnessed the unprecedented impunity, and feared it could be repeated and turned against them, if they did not deliver the verdict this mob demanded; they had confessed this many times when they were interviewed during the jury selection process. They were afraid. And their fear increased as the long months went by; it grew even more when the "journalists" ran after them with their lights and microphones. The jurors complained many times and the Judge believed they were right. But things remained the same. The prosecutors, on their part, kept telling them that they, as jurors, had a serious responsibility; that in their hands was nothing less than the survival of the United States and of the community that was watching them. The jurors were frightened and felt abandoned. Not a single voice was heard in the local media to defend them and call for serenity and prudence. Most of all the jurors wanted to have the damned trial over with, go back home, and be forgotten. They did not take long to decide. The longest trial in history ended with the shortest deliberation. But that was not news either. Part ThreeThe habeas corpus requests for the Cuban Five unjustly imprisoned in the United States, and in particular the affidavit submitted by Martin Garbus, Gerardo's lawyer, focus on the role performed by "journalists" who, paid by the US government, created an environment of hysteria and irrational hatred that frightened the jurors until they brought in a guilty verdict despite the fact that the US Attorney did not present any evidence and -- even worse-- admitted they could not substantiate their main charge. However, this is not a confrontation between the Five and their lawyers against journalism and journalists. It is really the opposite. The operation orchestrated in Miami by the US Attorney's Office, apart from violating the Constitution and the rules of due process, was also an insult to a profession that deserves respect. It was a Miami newspaper -- The Miami Herald -- that first revealed the existence of the secret operation in which some of their writers took part. These, by the way, were fired, because their editor considered their actions in violation of journalistic ethics. The author of the revelation, Oscar Corral, paid dearly for his defense of professional ethics. Instead of being awarded for his investigative reporting he faced, in his own words, "an orchestrated campaign to intimidate, harass, and silence. It was a barrage. Some threats were very specific and mentioned my family." This made his editors move him to live in a safer place.
But, who were the "journalists" paid by the government, and why were they hired to do what they did? All of them, without exception, were members of -- or had close links with -- organizations that in Miami cultivate violence and terrorism. Some of them are themselves convicted and confessed terrorists; a few had done some previous journalism and are able to write more or less a couple of pages; others would not have passed the admission exam to any school of journalism. They all have a long experience as provocateurs and frequently take part in radio and TV programs, characterized by their impudence and loudness, which openly promote the use of force against Cuba. All had the qualifications to be hired by Washington to carry out a clandestine operation. In other words, they were people they could trust and so were given the job and paid generously. After all, the money did not come out of their own pockets; it was taxpayers' money. It was all paid out of Radio and TV Marti budgets. These are government enterprises, financed by the federal budget which is fed from taxes and other public contributions; that is, from the money of the citizens and residents of the United States. But these, who unknowingly were paying for the covert operation, never heard about it. For this reason, Garbus' affidavit stresses the fact that this is a matter of exceptional importance. First of all, for our Five compatriots, who will soon reach their 14th year in prison. But it is also important, and very much so, for those who are not in prison. It is particularly important for true journalists, without quotation marks. Those who perform with honesty a profession some others corrupted and turned into an instrument to kidnap five innocent men. In the closing lines of his affidavit, Garbus mentions the US Attorney General: "Attorney General Eric Holder Jr. was not responsible for this prosecution when it began. He is now. [Gerardo Hernandez Nordelo]'s conviction should be vacated." The professional journalists and the media outside Miami were not responsible for this crime when it was committed. But now that they know what happened, they cannot avoid their responsibility. Silence now would be complicity. Part Four: A Fabricated MurderOn February 24, 1996, a lamentable event took place in front of the Malecón in Havana. Two small planes belonging to a terrorist group in Miami were shot down by anti-aircraft defenses when they violated the Cuban national territory. Dozens of similar violations had taken place that year and the government had publicly warned it would not tolerate repetitions of such actions. The event greatly increased tensions between the United States and Cuba and was the subject of intense debates within the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the UN Security Council. On May 7, 1999 -- more than three years and two months after the event -- the government of the United States, irresponsibly and capriciously, used the incident and turned it into Count No. 3, Conspiracy to Commit Murder, against Gerardo Hernández Nordelo alone. The proceedings against the Five focused mostly on this charge. To this accusation the court devoted most of its sessions, experts and witnesses. Relatives of the men who lost their lives on February 24 were present every day in the courtroom, made public demonstrations, and gave press conferences right then and there in front of the members of the jury. This issue was the focus of the media campaign. Thousands of articles and comments were produced about it for the press, radio and television. Strangely, the media paid great attention to Count No. 3 even before it existed. It can be stated without a doubt that the charge was the result of a conspiracy between the government and the terrorist groups responsible for the event. In this conspiracy, the "journalists" paid by the government had a decisive role. In September 1998, when the FBI arrested the Five, the US Attorney pressed charges against the accused. Count 3 was not there, there was no mention of aircraft incidents, shot-down planes or anything of the sort. The accusation against Gerardo was added more than seven months later when he and his comrades were in solitary confinement, isolated from the world, in their first visit to "The Hole" that lasted 17 months. An analysis of the Miami press between September 1998 and May 1999 is evidence of the previous statement. We can find many declarations by leaders of terrorist groups widely spread and amplified by "journalists," asking the government to add the new allegation. Among other things we can read extensive information on the meetings between prosecutors and terrorists, from which the "Second Superseding Indictment" would emerge to take the place of the first and include Count 3. A reading of both documents from the US Attorney would make any self-respecting journalist be surprised and feel an obligation to enquire. According to these documents, the FBI had managed to discover who Gerardo Hernández Nordelo was really, and what he was doing in the United States, at least since 1994, more than two years before the 1996 incident. They had been able to decipher his communications with Havana; they knew what he was doing and what he was being instructed to do. Thus, they did not act against Gerardo and his comrades, because they knew his work was not at all damaging to the US or the American people. They also knew that Gerardo had nothing to do with the 1996 events. In those days, there was a great uproar, not only in Miami, but also in Washington. Bill Clinton, the president at the time, has written that he had received proposals even of a military attack against Cuba. The more aggressive groups in South Florida ranted night and day, calling for war. The complicity of these groups with the local FBI is well-known. Can anyone believe they would have done nothing against "the culprit" for the shooting down of the planes? That they would have done nothing against him if they had had him right there, surveilled by the FBI, in Miami? And Cuba? None of the communications between Havana and Gerardo, in the FBI's possession and presented at the trial, suggest that there was even the slightest concern about his safety or the need to protect him from the risks he could face if he had had any participation in the incident. Gerardo continued his work in Miami for almost three more years. He came to Cuba for vacation and nobody thought he should stay here to protect his life. When he was arrested in September 1998, he was not charged with anything related to the 1996 events simply because the FBI knew, at least since 1994, what Gerardo was doing and therefore knew he had nothing to do with that unfortunate incident. However, in 1999 they came up with the unbelievable slander of accusing him of first degree murder -- with malice aforethought -- and they did this -- the FBI, that is, the government -- to satisfy the wishes of the terrorist mafia and their lip-servicing buddies in the media who were also on the government payroll. So weak was the charge that the US Attorney understood later they could not prove it and asked to withdraw it. This would have made front page news in any other case, but not in the case against the Five. (Originally published on antiterroristas.cu, September 2012. Part One translated by freethefive.org, Parts Two to Four translated by CubaNews, edited by Walter Lippmann.) Celebrations of Friendship with Cuba 17th Annual Toronto Day of Friendship CelebratedOn August 25, the Canadian-Cuban Friendship Association in Toronto and the Association of Cuban Residents in Toronto "Juan Gualberto Gomez" held the 17th annual Toronto-Cuba Friendship Day at Nathan Philips Square in front of Toronto City Hall, under the slogan, "Cuba's Friendship for the World." City Councillor Joe Mihevc,
read a message of greetings from the Premier of Ontario. Representing
the Consulate General of Cuba in Toronto were the Consuls Julio E.
Pujol and Raul Delgado Concepción who gave the main speech. The
celebration was attended by the Consuls of El
Salvador, Haiti, Venezuela, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, local
community organizations which work to build support for Cuba such as
the Toronto Forum on Cuba and the Latin American Solidarity Network,
the President of the Jamaican Residents Association
and representatives of political parties. People from all walks of life took part in the day's
activities, including sampling Cuban cuisine and the varied
presentations of Cuban musical groups Iyá Iré, Yani
Borrell and Clave Kings and Paul Terry and Son de Cuba.  
Eighth Montreal Day of Friendship a Success The large banner of the Cuban Five was designed by Quebec artist Armand Vaillancourt.
For this Day of Friendship, the Table de concertation de solidarité Québec-Cuba organized a festive, social and political evening to celebrate the bond that unites the peoples of Cuba and Quebec. This friendship was forged since the early years of the revolution against the infamous blockade imposed by the U.S. government against Cuba and through the opposition to the threats posed by the United States against Cuba and against Cuba's right to be. This friendship is reflected in the support of the Quebec people for the campaigns organized to demand the release of five Cuban heroes unjustly imprisoned in the United States since 1998. It is also reflected by the tens of thousands of Quebeckers who visit the island every year. Alain Gonzalez Gonzalez, Consul of the Republic of Cuba
in Montreal delivered greetings on the occasion, as did
Councillor Frantz Benjamin who spoke on behalf of Annie Samson, Mayor
of
Villeray-Saint-Michel-Parc Extension. The event was animated by the
radio personality Maggie Metellus. Music, poetry, songs and dance by
the artists Acalanto, Vic Vogel, Junior Sandlaire and Los Quebecos Del
Sonalso filled the space, to the delight of all those present.
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That trial has been
denounced internationally, including
by the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention in May 2005. On March 4,
2009, then President of the UN General Assembly Miguel d'Escoto
Brockmann called for the release of the Five during the session of the
UN Human Rights Council. Many
other internationally-known personalities and organizations, too
numerous to mention have taken a stand to call for the freedom of the
Five.
To publicize the case of the
Cuban Five, and with the
aim of raising public pressure for their release by U.S. President
Barack Obama, a meeting entitled "Breaking the Silence -- Tribunal and
Popular Assembly: Justice for the Five" will be held in Toronto from
September 21 to 23. One of the highlights will
be the Peoples' Tribunal with Canadian, Quebec and
international speakers and expert witnesses who will
expose what took place in the trial of the Cuban Five and their
imprisonment since then.
Although there are many other
violations detailed in the
appeals process -- now in its last, extraordinary phase -- this
document focuses on the conspiracy of the Government with the local
Miami media to convict the accused beforehand and make a fair trial
impossible.
True journalism was also a
victim of government
prevarication.
On September 8, the Eighth
Montreal Day of Friendship
with Cuba was held in the Saint-Michel district of Montreal which is
celebrating the 100th anniversary
of its founding. The day was dedicated to the Cuban
literacy method Yo Si Puedo (Yes I Can), as September 8 is
International Literacy Day. This
literacy method is part of the rich contributions Cuba has made to
enable the people of poor countries to read and write in a short period
of time. It is recognized and practiced internationally and has helped
many countries including Venezuela, Bolivia and Haiti to reduce and
even eliminate illiteracy.