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March 21, 2012 - No. 39

Alberta

Attacking Public Education in the Name of "Choice"


Education Is a Right!
Attacking Public Education in the Name of "Choice" - Kevan Hunter

Health Care
Hospital General Support Services Workers Reach Tentative Agreement - Peggy Askin 

Refine It Where You Mine It!
People of Alberta Support First Nations' Bitumen Upgrader Plan - Dougal MacDonald

Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipeline
Governments Are Responsible to Uphold Public Right, Not Monopoly Right - Peggy Morton

REDress Project
Art Installation Visually Represents Issue of Missing and Murdered Aboriginal Women


Education Is a Right!

Attacking Public Education in the Name of "Choice"

On March 14, the Alberta government introduced an amendment to Bill 2, the new Education Act. The amendment adds the following to the Preamble of the act:

"WHEREAS the Government of Alberta recognizes that parents have a right to choose the religious and ethical traditions in which their children are raised; that a child's education begins in the home; that parents play a foundational role in the moral and spiritual formation of their children; and that these principles are reflected in the commitment of the Government of Alberta to provide parents with choice in education, including public schools, separate schools, Francophone schools, charter schools, private schools and home education programs."

In the name of upholding the rights of parents, the proposed Education Act has been amended in a way which undermines the universality of public education. Its effect will be to weaken public control over education in Alberta and expand the sphere for monopoly control over education.

By making public schools one of many "choices," the Alberta government is in fact directly attacking the system of public schools and the remaining public control of schools. School boards have already been stripped of their authority to set their budgets. The Act opens the door to further dismembering public control of education.

The amendment is also an attack on teachers and their unions, part of the all-out attack on workers and professionals who deliver public services and their dedication and expertise. The broad expansion of charter schools made possible and clearly anticipated by the legislation is a method to further undermine public control and open the door to the whole range of corporate interests who want to take over the "education market." Public control of education policy is undermined, providing new opportunities for the monopolies to exert their dictate and make the education system subservient to private interests, not the public good and overall needs of the children, the teachers and the whole society.

The preamble of a bill exists to set out the spirit in which the entire act will be interpreted. What place does such a clause have in the preamble to the Education Act? In a modern society, an Education Act must first and foremost start with the recognition that education is a right. Such an Education Act would then be enabling legislation to provide this right with a guarantee. Amongst other things, the right to education means that the wealth or income of a child's family should have no bearing whatsoever on the quality of their education. A modern Education Act would recognize not only the right of every child to education, but the role of public education in raising the level of the whole society.

Instead, the starting point is the "recognition" that parents have the right to choose the education their children should receive. This sleight of hand is to deliberately confuse matters of individual right, especially the right to one's beliefs, with the responsibility of government to provide the right to education with a guarantee. This is then used as the pretext to reduce public education to one "choice" amongst many that parents may make for their children, on an equal footing with private and charter schools. Suddenly the responsibility of the government is not to provide education, but "choice." This is a straight-forward attack on the public system, which is now just one of many options, all of which will receive public funding.

The outlook underlying this amendment is that people are not born to society, but to their families, which is part of the anti-social offensive demanding that everyone fend for themselves. Under the modern conditions of mainly urban life, what does it mean to say that people are born to families but not to society? The modern family is not an economic unit capable of providing for its members. Today we live in a society of modern, large-scale industrial production dominated by the most powerful global monopolies. People are dependent on society for their livelihoods, and people are striving to solve the problem of establishing a society which recognizes this modern reality and the guarantee of the rights which belong to all people by virtue of being human, including the right to education.

The Alberta government's "choice" amendment and other aspects of the amended Education Act such as the relaxed regulations for charter schools and the virtual guarantee of their expansion show the intent to further open up education as a "market" for private interests to profit, and to degrade the public system. The people of Alberta should oppose such underhanded attacks on the right to public education. The implementation of the public education system was a big step forward for society and it is a vital necessity for the further development of the society in a direction that favours the interests of the people.

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Health Care

Hospital General Support Services Workers
Reach Tentative Agreement

Hospital workers represented by the Alberta Union of Provincial Employees (AUPE) have reached a tentative agreement. The agreement covers 22,000 general support services workers in hospitals across Alberta.

The tentative three-year agreement is retroactive to April 1, 2011. It includes a wage increase of three per cent each year for the life of the contract; shift and weekend premium rates equal to other Alberta Health Services (AHS) union contracts by 2013; a $600 flexible health spending account in January 2013 and supplemental vacation equal to other union contracts with AHS. AUPE reports that improvements to hours of work, statutory holidays, layoff and recall language, part-time definitions and classifications have also been reached.

The general support workers carried out a one-day wildcat strike on February 16 in 28 cities and towns across Alberta. The strike spread quickly from its start at the Royal Alexandra Hospital in Edmonton as workers expressed their anger at the "final offer" from AHS. The workers had already rejected a mediator's report by an overwhelming 95 per cent, but the AHS returned with an offer even lower than the mediator's recommendation. The last offer from AHS provided no increase on the grid for the first year, two per cent in the second year and cost of living in the third year.

All strikes of Alberta hospital workers and professionals have been illegal since 1982, and the February 16 action marked the third action by general support services workers since that time to defy the unjust law which deprives them of the right to decide on wages, benefits and working conditions acceptable to themselves.

The wildcat ended with an agreement to proceed to mediation-arbitration and no discipline of the workers who participated in the strike. The tentative agreement was arrived at with the assistance of a mediator. The agreement will now go to the workers for a vote.

"This group of mainly female staff -- who work mostly part time -- kill deadly hospital bacteria, sterilize surgical equipment, transfer patients, are therapy aides, unit clerks and much more. They work very hard and this agreement's aim is to recognize the essential roles they perform in the delivery of health care to Albertans," AUPE President Guy Smith said.

Through their February 16 action, the general support services workers made it clear that they will defend their rights and dignity and their demands for wages, benefits and working conditions commensurate with the important work that they do. They made it clear that they will not accept the bullying and blackmail of the AHS and Alberta government, and have won definite improvements as a result of their courageous actions.

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Refine It Where You Mine It!

People of Alberta Support First Nations'
Bitumen Upgrader Plan

Aboriginal people and their allies continue to express a storm of outrage at the Redford government's refusal to support the Aboriginal First Nation Centre's (AFNC) plan for a $6.6 billion oilsands bitumen refinery. On February 8, 2012, the government declared that the AFNC's proposed bitumen refinery was "too risky" to receive provincial investment, even though earlier government and third-party analysis showed that the AFNC project was economically viable. A spokesperson for Alberta Energy said the proposal will not be negotiated further nor would the government consider an independent third-party assessment review.

The proposal by the AFNC, which represents almost 50 First Nations, obtained conditional approval from the government last year to participate in the province's Bitumen Royalty-in-Kind (BRIK) program, which was designed in part to support upgrader construction in Alberta. Approved companies get a government-guaranteed supply of raw bitumen, which the company upgrades, refines and ships back for sale to overseas markets. The company then gets a cut of the profits. Over the next 20 years, proponents estimated the AFNC proposal would have contributed $100 billion to the Canadian economy.

The AFNC plan called for building a refinery to process 125,000 barrels of bitumen each day by 2017, producing gasoline, diesel, jet fuel and other products for export to India and China, countries which have already shown great interest in and contributed funds to the initiative. The deal has been in the works for four years, with millions and millions of dollars already invested. The refinery was to be located in Lamont County on approximately 1,700 acres in the area known as the Industrial Heartland, Canada's largest hydrocarbon processing region.

Chief Allan Adam of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation accused the Redford regime of racism. "The Alberta government has never ever put a red light on any projects that are being put forward by any major corporation or company in regards to oil and gas development. Because it's the First Nations that come up with one, this is the only known project that was ever given the red light," said Adam. "The province of Alberta is racist to the First Nation people and it just goes to show that they will never ever sit down at the table at the First Nation level in regard to moving forward."

"It seems like many in government don't want to see First Nations progress," said Chief Ron Morin of the Enoch Cree Nation near Edmonton. Morin said the province's BRIK program seemed like a way to get First Nations involved in Alberta's oilsands industry. Under the proposal, AFNC would bring in $150 million per year. Morin also noted that some of Alberta's oilsands sit on land that was never given up under treaties, and that the crude oil the provincial and federal governments are trying to extract belongs to First Nations. "We believe they're stealing from us every day of the week," he said.

The Redford government's arbitrary decision clearly flies in the face of the wishes of the people of Alberta. A recent poll suggested 80 per cent of Albertans want to see more upgrading and refining happening in the province to keep jobs and money from flowing down the pipeline. The very apt slogan, "Refine it where we mine it!" has been coined and taken up with enthusiasm to express this dominant public opinion. But representatives of the oilsands monopolies, whose main aim is simply to make big scores by shipping unrefined bitumen out of the province as fast as possible, are constantly spreading disinformation that upgrading and refining in Alberta is "too expensive."

By killing the AFNC proposal, the Redford regime continues to expose its dual shameful roles as the opponent of public right and the opponent of the rights and aspirations of the First Nations people. The regime has again upheld monopoly right by blocking plans to build a value-added bitumen refining industry in Alberta that would benefit the people, especially the First Nations. The regime has also again notified the First Nations that they will continue to be punished for fighting for their hereditary rights, in particular, for their militant resistance to the energy monopolies' nefarious plans to ship massive amounts of raw bitumen out of the province through the Keystone XL and Northern Gateway pipelines.

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Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipeline

Governments Are Responsible to Uphold Public Right, Not Monopoly Right

The Harper dictatorship has clearly indicated its intent to smash the regulatory framework which the dominant monopolies consider a block to doing whatever they please in the pursuit of their own narrow interests. The Harper government has been trying to paint a scenario that crucial infrastructure projects which are vital to the national interest are being delayed through unnecessary "red tape" and cumbersome regulatory processes, which it is claimed harm the Canadian economy. In this way preparations are being made for sweeping regulatory changes, as with the leaked proposed changes to the Fisheries Act. The requirement and just demand of Aboriginal peoples for good-faith consultation on development of their ancestral and unceded lands is presented as one such "barrier" to speedy and efficient approvals. So too are the concerns of Canadians about all the negative impacts of giving mainly foreign oil monopolies control over all aspects of exploitation of the oil sands including the living and working conditions of the oil workers and the shipping of raw bitumen.

Documents obtained by the Edmonton Journal under access to information laws reveal that Indian Affairs and Northern Development informed the government more than six years ago that it lacked the resources to conduct the kind of review expected by First Nations and Métis. The documents show that instead, the Harper dictatorship essentially contracted out its obligation to consult to Enbridge. "The Crown has actually made industry responsible for their due diligence," Melanie Omeniho, president of the Métis Nation, Local 1886, Edmonton told the Edmonton Journal.

The government's own guidelines, "Aboriginal Consultation and Accommodation: Updated Guidelines for Federal Officials to Fulfill the Duty to Consult," could not be clearer. It states: "The common law duty to consult is based on judicial interpretation of the obligations of the Crown (federal, provincial and territorial governments) in relation to potential or established Aboriginal or Treaty rights of the Aboriginal peoples of Canada, recognized and affirmed in section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982. The duty cannot be delegated to third parties."

BC's Coastal First Nations have taken a firm stand opposing the Joint Review Panel of the National Energy Board and Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency for the Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipeline project and have called for it to stand down. They point out that, among other serious flaws in the review process, the Joint Review Panel does not fulfill Canada's obligations to a meaningful consultation and accommodation process which addresses Aboriginal rights and title.

According to the Edmonton Journal, environmental assessment agency spokeswoman Isabelle Perrault said the joint review process "provides a fair, efficient, effective and reasonable means of ensuring that all aboriginal groups have the same information as all other parties and have an opportunity to provide the government the best available information with respect to the project and its potential impacts on the environment and on potential or established aboriginal and treaty rights."

This statement clearly does not meet the test of the duty to consult and legal precedent has clearly established that the government cannot off-load its obligation to engage in good-faith consultation and accommodation to private interests. Furthermore, the statement makes it clear that the Harper government considers "consultation" to be a one-way street -- a matter of an exchange of whatever information the government sees fit to share and a process where people can express their concerns on matters decided by the Harper dictatorship. It has nothing whatsoever to do with genuine consultation much less the right to decide. It is even more fraudulent when this "consultation" is not based on upholding the public interest, but claiming that whatever serves the most powerful monopolies such as Enbridge constitutes the national interest.

It has been further revealed that Enbridge lobbied the federal government to scrap the Pacific North Coast Integrated Management Area (PNCIMA), established to develop a marine plan for the Pacific North Coast eight months before the government withdrew from the agreement, effectively cancelling it. When the federal government did so, it was without any consultation with the Coastal First Nations. The fact that the federal government acted as a direct result of lobbying from Enbridge is being cited as a problem for the Harper government in the form of a possible legal challenge.

Tom Flanagan, Harper's former mentor and member of the "Calgary School" of academics who provided the ideological foundation for the Reform Party, recently weighed in on Harper's actions. Flanagan's role has been to lead the attack on collective rights, especially the hereditary rights which belong to Aboriginal peoples. In an article in the Globe and Mail, Flanagan stated: "In the 1997 Delgamuukw case, the Supreme Court of Canada held that aboriginal title still exists across British Columbia where treaties have never been signed. That includes most of the province except for the northeast, where Treaty 8 was negotiated in 1899-1900. The court ruled that aboriginal title had not been extinguished by B.C.'s course of dealing with indigenous people, even though the government had assigned them to reserves and granted to others the lands on which they used to live." Flanagan added, "Similarly, the Supreme Court decided in Mikisew (2005) concerning Treaty 8 lands that the government had a duty to consult." He ignores the fact that Treaty 8 was not a treaty of land surrender and that aboriginal title was not extinguished on those lands either.

Flanagan then provides both a warning and a clue as to where Harper is headed. "Consultations must be full and thorough, accommodation to first nations' concerns must be made where possible, and compensation must be paid where interests are damaged." He then goes on to argue that in Delgamuukw the court was very clear that "'the building of infrastructure can justify the infringement of aboriginal title.' Consultation, accommodation, compensation? Yes. Veto? No." Flanagan suggests that the courts have not laid down "clear criteria for assessing the adequacy of consultation."

Is Flanagan egging Harper on to try and force the courts to provide a narrow definition of what kind of consultation is required and what justifies infringement of aboriginal title? Flanagan is a virulent assimilationist and advocate of introducing "fee simple" arrangements on First Nations lands.

The Harper government together with the Redford government in Alberta have politicized private interests on the basis that whatever serves the interests of the monopolies must be done in the name of protecting the economy and the national interest. The Workers' Opposition together with the First Nations are demanding their sovereign right to decide and that governments must uphold the public good. Together they can organize a broad opposition to nation-wrecking and in favour of nation-building.


Rally against the Enbridge pipeline in Prince Rupert, BC, February 7, 2012. (Friends of Wild Salmon)

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REDress Project

Art Installation Visually Represents Issue of Missing and Murdered Aboriginal Women

Winnipeg visual artist Jaime Black installed her REDress art project drawing attention to missing and murdered aboriginal women by hanging empty red dresses along roads around the University of Alberta campus and in the university's central quadrangle. The powerful REDress art project, which was displayed for two weeks in March, has already been shown in a number of locations across Canada and has been well received.

The Native Women's Association of Canada (NWAC) reports that as of March 31, 2010, it recorded information for 582 cases of missing or murdered aboriginal women. Nearly half of the murder cases remain unsolved. Most Aboriginal and human rights organizations agree that the actual number of women and girls missing or murdered is much higher. It is noteworthy that the NWAC's data only goes until two years ago because that is when the Harper government's March 2010 budget ended funding for NWAC's Sisters in Spirit research and data collection project on the missing and murdered Aboriginal women.

Black said of the REDress Project: "I want people to realize that all women are valuable and all women deserve to be safe in our country. It doesn't matter what they're doing and it doesn't matter what they're facing, they deserve safety."




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