United States

The Coronavirus Pandemic in U.S. Meatpacking Plants

In the U.S., by May 8 more than five thousand COVID-19 cases had been confirmed with ties to the U.S. meatpacking industry. This number is likely vastly under-reported, given the lack of testing. At least forty-nine meatpacking workers had died of COVID-19 in 27 different plants across 18 states. Forty plants were forced to close temporarily, either because of public health orders or because so many workers were sick that production was impossible.

The Trump administration and the four oligopolies that control meat and poultry processing in the U.S. -- Cargill, JBS, Smithfield and Tyson Foods -- have been determined to keep meat packing plants open. On April 28, Trump issued an executive order declaring that meat packing plants were "critical infrastructure" allowing federal agencies to now interfere and possibly overrule decisions made by local authorities. As the outbreak grew across the U.S., the meatpacking giants tried to hide the extent of the crisis in their plants. In some states governors over-ruled the local health authorities in a bid to keep the plants open.

Nebraska is one state where JBS got its way and the Governor acted to block closure of a plant recommended by local health officials. JBS has beef, pork, and poultry plants in 27 states. A significant outbreak was identified by doctors at the JBS plant in Grand Island, Nebraska as early as March 31, and the regional health director asked the governor to take action. The governor said no, citing Trump's order that meat packing was "critical infrastructure."[1] Emails obtained by the advocacy group ProPublica show that JBS was intent on covering up the spread of COVID-19 within its plants. "We want to make sure that testing is conducted in a way that does not foment fear or panic among our employees or the community," JBS chief ethics and compliance officer Nicholas White wrote to the local health officials on April 15.

The virus quickly spread beyond the plant and through the community, with more than 1,200 cases in the city of 50,000, and 32 deaths, including one JBS worker. Limited testing, restricted only to those with symptoms, identified 260 cases at the plant. There are now outbreaks across Nebraska in meatpacking towns where Tyson Foods, Smithfield Foods and Costco have plants. As the cases grew to staggering levels, and hospitals were overwhelmed, the plants were finally closed for deep cleaning. The Governor has announced that local health officials will no longer be able to report COVID-19 data from meat processing plant, calling it a "privacy" issue.

In plant after plant workers reported that they were sent back to work after informing supervisors and plant nurses that they were sick. At the Cargill plant in Pennsylvania, a worker who died of coronavirus told his children that a supervisor had instructed him to take off a face mask at work because it was causing unnecessary anxiety among other employees. Other workers said they were told by supervisors not to wear masks because only sick people should have masks, that health professionals need them more, and that wearing them provokes fear at the workplace.

UFCW Local 7 at JBS meat plant in  Greeley held May Day online discussion.

In Greely, Colorado, the JBS plant was finally closed, long after public health officials reported by April 1 that emergency departments were seeing large numbers of worker from JBS. Local health officials urged JBS to do screening and social distancing or the plant, and said otherwise the plant would be closed. JBS pushed back, claiming the governor was not in favour of closure. The plant was finally closed, too late to stop the spread. Again with limited testing, 280 workers tested positive, and seven of them have died.

At plant after plant workers told similar stories about being told to come to work after testing positive and to "keep it on the DL" (down low) or be fired; workers were told to return to work before the 14-day quarantine ended even if they felt sick; workers clearly sick at work were refused authorization to go home. Workers at the JBS and Cargill plants in Alberta have given similar evidence.

Just as similar were the claims by the owners that the problem was not the plants themselves but the "cultural practices" of the workers. The workers are blamed for living in over-crowded conditions, conditions imposed by the industry's low wages, and in multi-generational households.

Workers have been speaking out to smash the silence on their living and working conditions, including non-unionized workers who are finding ways to defend their rights. In Milan, Missouri a worker, together with the Rural Workers Community Alliance, filed a lawsuit that Smithfield was creating a public nuisance through its failure to protect workers from coronavirus infection. The complaint said that workers are typically required to stand almost shoulder to shoulder, most often for hours without being able to clean or sanitize their hands, and have difficulty taking sick leave. The lawsuit also pointed out that workers at the plant are given a disciplinary point if they take a day off, which can eventually lead to dismissal. A federal judge dismissed the suit on May 5, stating that Smithfield had taken "significant steps to reduce the risk of an outbreak at the plant." In fact the plant had taken a number of steps to provide protective equipment and increase social distancing, but only after the lawsuit was filed.

Another measure used by the companies was to offer temporary wage increases and bonuses to those workers who came to work for every shift. This was also the case in Canada, although the companies later claimed those quarantining would also get the bonus. JBS USA offered a $600 bonus and $4 per hour wage increase to its workers who worked every shift. Those who were required to quarantine or self-isolate were paid either regular wages or short-term disability, according to the company. This was clearly an incentive to come to work no matter what, an unconscionable act to pressure workers to come to work even if they had symptoms of COVID-19.

Evidence from workers across the U.S. leaves no doubt that the pressure on workers to remain at work when sick or after exposure to COVID-19 was deliberate, widespread and industry-wide, and carried out with the support and collusion of governments at both the state and federal level. In the face of this absolute contempt towards their well-being, the workers, who are drawn from the most marginalized and vulnerable sections of the U.S. working class, have shown their courage and determination to defend their rights, and that the status quo is not an option.

Note

1. That same day, March 31, Alberta Premier Jason Kenney said he had spoken to the Governor of Nebraska about the start of construction on the Keystone XL pipeline, and the Governor had assured him that all measures would be in place to carry out construction safely during the pandemic. Did they also speak about keeping the packing plants open?

(With files from ProPublica, New York Times, Bloomberg News, vox.com. Photos: UFCW Local 7, Food Chain Workers)

This article was published in

Number 33 - May 12, 2020

Article Link:
United States: The Coronavirus Pandemic in U.S. Meatpacking Plants

    

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