Hold Governments to Account
for COVID-19 Outbreaks
Amongst Asylum Seekers and Migrant Workers
The Need to Defend Asylum Seekers in Quebec
- Interview, Frantz
André, Quebec-Haiti Solidarity Committee -
![](http://www.cpcml.ca/images2020/WorkersEconomy/MigrantWorkers/File/181202-Montreal-Haiti-06cr2.jpg)
Demonstration in Montreal, December 2, 2018, defends the rights
of Haitian asylum seekers
calling for an end to deportations.
My name is Frantz André. I am from
Montreal,
Canada and I have been working full time with asylum seekers, mainly of
Haitian origin, for five years, since July 2017, at my own expense,
seven days a week. In the context of the pandemic, we all agree that we
cannot return to normal. Normal would be to continue doing business as
usual
when we know that the system is broken and has brought us to the brink.
We have an opportunity to work together, so that "business as usual"
according to the rules of those who oppress us is no longer normal.
I'm
going to talk first about the situation of asylum seekers in the
Haitian community who are patient care attendants in residential and
long-term care centres (CHSLDs) and home care aides, and of those who
have no choice but to continue working despite the alarming increase in
cases of COVID-19 infection. Montreal North has become one
of the largest centres of infection in Quebec. It is home to the most
vulnerable people who are most at risk of becoming infected with
COVID-19 and they are my people, the Haitian people.
Since 2017, we have a large number of asylum
seekers
here in Canada who have arrived from the United States because they no
longer have Temporary Protected Status in the U.S., which was a
moratorium on deportations.[1]
It
is important to know that the acceptance rate for asylum seekers of
Haitian origin between 2012 and 2016 was around 50 per cent. As early
as 2017, this rate decreased to 22 per cent and in 2018, to 10 per
cent. This large wave of Haitian refugee claimants arriving at our
borders happened because Prime Minister Justin Trudeau wrote in a
Tweet: "To those fleeing persecution, terror and war, know that Canada
will
welcome you. Diversity is our strength #WelcomeToCanada." But for three
years now, the message seems to be: "Get out of Canada."
The majority of asylum seekers in 2017 were of
Haitian
origin. They work as security guards, patient care attendants and home
care aides. They are my colleagues. In Montreal North, where there is a
high density of Haitians, they are the ones who become the most
infected. We have small apartments where from five to seven people live
in
the same space -- we like to live with our parents and our grandparents
and they are the ones who will be the most affected. Now we have people
dying.[2]
Who
benefits from this? Employment agencies that do not respect rights,
that do not pay them even minimum wage. They pick people up from their
homes, and drive them one and a half hours to two hours to work. After
they work eight hours, they have to come back again in a one and a half
to two hour trip, so three to four hours travelling,
11 to 12 hours in total. They sometimes travel in minivans with nine
passengers that are meant to take seven people normally, so you can
imagine the danger.
And who is stigmatized? The black population,
including
Haitians. We're the ones on the street. If you come to Montreal, look
at those who work morning and night, on the buses, in the subways, on
the streets, they are the racialized people. And that's not right. What
we are experiencing now is a crisis and that is what is happening to a
specific community.
Workers' Forum:
Can you tell us something
about the history of your demand for a moratorium on deportation of
Haitians and for providing asylum seekers with full workers' rights?
![](http://www.cpcml.ca/images2020/WorkersEconomy/MigrantWorkers/File/180721-Montreal-RallyAgainstHaitianDeportationsFrantzAndre-02cr.jpg)
Frantz André
|
Frantz André:
I will go back in
time. In 2018 there was a movement that started from here in Canada on
the issue of Petrocaribe funds. Oil was being sold by Venezuela at very
low prices to allow the Haitian government to free up funds for
reconstruction following the 2010 earthquake, and for social programs.
The
Moise-Lafontant government was in place at that time and wanted to
increase the price of oil because the IMF had said "No, we can no
longer continue to subsidize you." The population rose up. It was at
that time that I started asking for a moratorium to protect people who
were being refused and deported in an accelerated manner. My argument
was that Haiti was at such a level of insecurity that the government
could not continue to deport people to a country where there were riots
and people were being killed. The Canadian government didn't react
right away. Border officials continued to deport. The security
situation in Haiti reached a point of acute deterioration and Prime
Minister
Lafontant had to resign.
France and the United States then sent helicopters
to
pick up their nationals at the Decameron Hotel, one of the most
beautiful hotels in Haiti, to bring them home. Canada delayed doing the
same for a long time. We asked "If the U.S. and French governments did
it, why not you?" In July 2018, the government issued a notice to avoid
all
non-essential travel to Haiti because of the civil unrest in Haiti. This
meant that the country was so insecure that no one should travel there.
People who have fled insecurity, who have come all the way to Canada,
who were facing exploitation and disrespect of their rights, of their
human rights according to international law, cannot be sent back to a
country that is totally insecure. These people are providers who
contribute economically and culturally, who abide by the laws, who do
not want to end up on welfare. They are future full-fledged citizens.
Citizenship has a special meaning for them in the sense that they want
to ensure that they are being recognized for their potential to
contribute
to Canadian society.
The
government had no choice but to put in place a temporary reprieve and
that moratorium has been extended. In 2019, an election year, in order
to win votes, they kept the temporary reprieve so we would not make too
much noise on the street. They increased the acceptance rate.
According to the government the moratorium will
not be
lifted until the level of security is acceptable. In Haiti, according
to our observations, the Haitian state has encouraged insecurity. Why
has it encouraged insecurity? With the popular mobilization that
condemned Jovenel Moise, the current president, for having participated
in a system of
corruption, the population is asking the government to account for the
billions of dollars that it received under the Petrocaribe plan for the
reconstruction of Haiti which was never done.
Our demand is to ensure that asylum seekers are
recognized as full-fledged workers with the same rights as everyone who
works.
WF: What are
the latest developments in this situation?
FA: We have
noticed in recent months that
there are more middle class people asking to come to Canada because of
the terror in Haiti, a terror that is mainly state-organized. There are
kidnappings on the streets and ransom demands by groups connected to
the government. Insecurity is at its peak. Civil servants, doctors,
professionals are leaving Haiti to apply for asylum here because they
are most at risk of being kidnapped for ransom.
Among the difficulties encountered are the
conflicts
between the different levels of the federal and Quebec governments.
Changes are frequent, without notice, and lawyers have difficulty
keeping up. We learn about changes through the plaintiffs.
It is important to remember that legal aid and
social
assistance are provincial. All refugee claimants are under federal
jurisdiction. This creates a conflict between Quebec's Minister of
Immigration Simon Jolin-Barrette and his federal counterpart.
Jolin-Barrette has no authority over refugee claimants. Quebec offers
social assistance and legal aid
services to people who are under federal jurisdiction. Due to lack of
funds, legal aid has become more restrictive in accepting applications.
As a result, many refugee claimants who would normally be eligible for
social assistance automatically are now refused and placed under a
discretionary power. Many of these people arrived with no more than
$500 in their pockets and I go with them to get social assistance. I
have to explain to the welfare staff that there is a moratorium, that
they will not be deported, so they are eligible for welfare.
Another problem is the filing of asylum
applications.
Both at the border and internally, border officials are overwhelmed.
Appointments to obtain proof of identity for the asylum seeker are
sometimes not given until two, three or even six weeks after their
arrival, because right from the beginning, border officials seized
their passports, national
identity cards and so on. Before they receive the document that
legitimizes that they are a refugee claimant, it takes weeks. Without
that document there is no social assistance. They find themselves in a
state of civil death, in a grey area, for two months or more.
For
example, a lady entered with her daughter in October 2019, with a visa,
legitimately. Another of her daughters, who has been here for years and
has permanent residence took them in. The lady wanted to enrol her
17-year-old daughter in school. But since she had not yet applied for
asylum, her daughter could not go to school. Before the
files were prepared and we were comfortable making the application for
asylum, it was already January. I went with the mother and daughter to
make the application. We handed over the documents. The woman and her
daughter were supposed to return to pick up her refugee claim document
on April 6. This document allows you to get legal aid,
open a bank account, etc. That day, because of the pandemic, the
offices were closed. So they still do not have the required papers and
therefore don't have social assistance.
This is the reality for people who entered Canada
legitimately, who are asylum seekers, and who need the services, but
are penalized in various ways, by government administrative slowness or
by Quebec's refusal to provide automatic assistance (legal aid and
social assistance). Meanwhile, they have no work permits and are forced
to work
under the table. They are also exposed to violence. For example
employers take advantage of workers who don't have legal status. To
survive many are silent about mistreatment. In some cases, women
prostitute themselves, fall into the hands of pimps, and men get beaten
up in the workplace and won't go to court.
In conclusion, I want to emphasize that asylum
seekers
must be recognized as full-fledged workers with the same rights as all
those who work here.
Notes
1.
Temporary Protected Status
(TPS) is a program created by the U.S. Congress in 1990, that allows
foreign nationals to remain in the U.S. if, while they were in the
U.S., something catastrophic happened in their country of origin that
prevented their safe return. Examples include war, famine,
natural disaster, or epidemic. TPS protects people from deportation and
allows them to work legally while they remain in the U.S. The program
is a temporary form of relief that does not confer permanent residency,
citizenship, or any right to ongoing immigration status. TPS status was
granted to tens of thousands of Haitians when the deadly
earthquake struck their country in 2010, followed by a cholera epidemic
and hurricanes. In 2017, the Trump administration ended TPS status for
people from Haiti, El Salvador, Nicaragua and other countries. Because
of mass protests and lawsuits against the federal administration, the
Department of Homeland Security extended TPS for a number
of countries, including Haiti, through January 4, 2021, pending a
decision from the lawsuits.
Faced with the threat of deportation and because
they
are denied entry into Canada through its regular border crossing with
the U.S. because of the Safe Third Country Agreement, many Haitians
seeking refuge began crossing into Canada irregularly through Roxham
Road, located in Hemmingford, Quebec, a small town in Quebec's Eastern
Townships.
In 2017, 24,980 asylum claims were presented in
Quebec.
In 2018, that number rose to 27,970, of which 66 per cent were
submitted by people who entered irregularly (with 18,518 intercepted by
Canadian authorities). Of these, Haiti was among the top five countries
of origin for asylum seekers.
The World Bank recognizes Haiti as the poorest
country
in the Western Hemisphere, with millions of people living below the
extreme poverty line. In 2004, Canada, along with the U.S. and France,
participated in regime change in that country, thereby removing Haiti's
democratically elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
2.
Montreal North is home to many
Quebeckers of Haitian origin as well as many Haitian permanent
residents, refugees and asylum seekers. It is Montreal's hardest hit
borough with regard to COVID-19.
As of May 1, public health data showed 1,316
confirmed
cases of COVID-19 in Montreal North an infection rate of 1, 562 per
100,000 people. For comparison, Montreal overall has 804 cases per
100,000 people, whereas areas of Quebec outside Montreal and its
suburbs have 101 cases per 100,000. Why is the rate of infection so
high in
Montreal North?
In Canada, refugees, refugee claimants, protected
persons or their family members, those under an unenforceable removal
order or who are temporary resident permit holders or young workers
participating in special programs can apply for an open work permit
that is not job-specific. Many of them are recruited by agencies to
work in
long-term care facilities (CHSLDs) and private seniors' residences as
patient attendants. They earn $14-15 per hour. The agency then bills
the residence a much higher amount and it keeps the difference. As it
becomes increasingly difficult for these facilities to find people to
work at low wages and exploitative conditions, the agencies make sure
they benefit even more by billing at even higher rates. Others of these
workers are hired by agencies to work in meat-processing plants. Each
morning, some half dozen workers are picked up by an agency in a single
van and driven to their workplace, often more than an hour's drive away.
La Presse journalist Yves
Boisvert interviewed
one such worker, who had arrived in 2018 seeking asylum through the
Roxham Road irregular crossing. Her claim as well as her appeal have
been refused by the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada. Her only
remaining option is to apply for permanent residency based on
humanitarian and compassionate grounds. Her husband died in 2004 and
she has four children, three of whom live in Haiti and who she sends
the little money she earns to help support them. When she first arrived
in Quebec in 2018, she was hired to work in a pork slaughterhouse. She
then took a course to work with seniors.
She explained that before having contracted the
virus,
she had worked for an agency in two separate seniors' residences and
that two of her co-workers died after contracting the coronavirus --
one a woman she did not know well and the other a refugee in his
forties.
A second woman living in Montreal North
interviewed by
the same journalist had been working in Valleyfield, again through an
agency and earning low wages. She also entered the country irregularly
through Roxham Road three years ago and has also contracted COVID-19.
She recounted that just prior to the 2016 election in Haiti, people
had entered her home, killed her nephew and beaten her up. Since then,
she has had difficulty walking. Upon her arrival in Canada she worked
in a factory which was too physically straining for her, which is why
she became a patient attendant. She is still waiting for test results
to find out if she is now clear of the virus.
This article was published in
![](http://cpcml.ca/WF2019/Articles/WFBanner300.jpg)
Number 31 - May 5, 2020
Article Link:
Hold Governments to Account
for COVID-19 Outbreaks : The Need to Defend Asylum Seekers in Quebec - Interview, Frantz
André, Quebec-Haiti Solidarity Committee
Website: www.cpcml.ca
Email: editor@cpcml.ca
|