Webinar Friday, November 20 --
7:30 pm AST Webinar and
Rally Organized by No
Harbour for War
noharbourforwar@hotmail.com
To participate click here
Passcode: 669926
Rally
Saturday, November 21 --
3:00 pm
Halifax Peace
& Freedom Park
(formerly
Cornwallis Park) Hollis &
South Sts. Facebook
Composed on the
occasion of the 12th annual protest
against the Halifax War Conference. For audio, click below.
A woman's going to
send the drones
So ready the covers of your Vogues
The food bank lines are now miles long
But a woman's the one who sends the bombs
Liberal feminism can't be wrong
When a woman's the one who sends the bombs.
Can't get workers PPE
But you go girl Nancy Pelosi
All hail the bipartisan war parties
Now Trump is gone we all agree
George W. Bush has been redeemed
The war criminals are on our team
And there's a Black woman on my TV screen
And when she bombs I'll yell yasss Queen
We'll force your countries to be free
And little Black girls can finally see
Themselves in drones and F-16s
And this is MLK Jr's dream
Brought to you by Wall Street
Brought to you by the elites
We'll never ever give you peace
Fund military and police
But a woman could be commander in chief
See what can happen when you believe?
This is gender equality
So everybody take a knee
The resistance heroes hip hip hooray
The FBI and CIA
The generals and NSA
So please enjoy your new air base
We've all forgot Abu Ghraib
We all forgot Guantanamo Bay
And none of them will see the Hague
The Patriot Act's so yesterday
We‘re all in love with John McCain
Make Lockheed Martin great again
Centrist neo-liberals all the rage
Kids still living in a cage
The war party is here to stay
And let's lock Julian Assange away.
We can't let him expose the truth
We're never bringing home the troops
Obama's so cool shooting hoops
You'll all be crushed under the boot
We're plotting out another coup
Billionaires we won't prosecute
We save that for moms of truant youth
Those Timberlands were looking cute
So let the oil companies pollute
He'll put them in the cabinet
Add bankers to make up the set
We'll regulate the internet
Corporate news is all you'll get
But a woman's going to send the jets
Are Yemeni women happy yet?
This moment gives me all the feels
A woman's making weapons deals
A woman's making refugees
A woman's going to rob and steal
Last week we were environmentalists
But now wars for oil are feminist
And history will reminisce
How all the donors benefit
Orange man is out the door
Things can go back to how they were before
Biden voted for the Iraq War
How dare you ask for any more
Your kids still super predators
And his kid's on strike number four
But prison's just for you and yours
And really the crime bill's all your fault
This is the time for unity
Bow down to oil and energy
And let's be friends with GOP
And white suburban families
There's no more white supremacy
Black woman deliver us the vote
We'll still be kneeling on your throat
But a woman's going to send the drones
So volunteer to work those phones
So we can bomb some woman's home
And probably waterboard her son
They're back in fashion neo-cons
So four more years of settlements
War parties are in agreement
And let's hashtag Black excellence
Kamala is Vice President.
The ladies join the gentlemen
In sword, famine, wild beast, pestilence
The four horse persons of apocalypse
These days we call that feminist
Is this the dream of suffragists?
And I heard her bombs never miss
And don't forget to call her Ms.
Madame, her honour, she or ma'am
Get ready those detainment camps
Muster the troops line up the ranks
A woman's going to send the tanks
And all of us will give her thanks
Especially weapons manufacturers, banks
And thanks to those suburban moms
A woman's going to send the bombs
I'm glad a woman is so strong
To send our countries all those bombs.
November 21, 2009. Demonstration against the first
Halifax International Security Forum
demands "Warmongers Out of Halifax!"
From November 20 to 22, the 12th Halifax
International Security Forum (HISF) convenes as a
platform for warmongering and empire-building of
U.S. imperialism and the NATO bloc, in which the
Trudeau Liberal government is fully embroiled. The
HISF is being convened in a virtual format. For
the 12th consecutive year, the anti-war forces in
Halifax are organizing to oppose it.
On November 20, No Harbour for War organized
a public anti-war webinar. On November 21, a rally
is organized at Halifax Peace Park across from the
venue of the HISF.
Peace activists in
Halifax are joined by others across the country to
firmly reject their city and our country being
used as the venue for this war conference and a
base for war preparations.
This is not a Halifax -- let alone a Canadian --
event. It is a NATO bloc event, which it
officially sponsors and directs. Its virtual
format is organized from NATO's Washington, DC
headquarters. The majority of its sessions are
private and classified as "informal." The eight
"plenary sessions" are broadcast in Canada by
CPAC, owned by the Rogers telecommunications
monopoly.
The HISF describes itself as "non-partisan" and
"independent" but it is a U.S. imperialist
enterprise -- lock, stock and barrel. An
instrument of the U.S. state, its credo is
"Halifax creates opportunities for leaders to
learn, generate ideas and put them into action."
The word "security" in HISF's name is informed by
NATO's warmongering definition, namely protecting
and advancing Anglo-American imperialist political
and economic interests to the detriment of the
peoples of the world, including those of the
United States, Canada and Europe itself, in
addition to those of Asia, Oceania, Africa, Latin
America and the Caribbean. This is dangerous and
puts Canadians and peoples everywhere in harm's
way.
There is nothing honourable, "internationalist"
or "multilateral" in the way that the Trudeau
Liberals are funding and promoting this venue on
Canadian territory, just as the Harper
Conservatives did before them. Not only is
everything related to foreign relations a
prerogative power over which the people have no
say whatsoever, but Canada plays no independent
role. In fact, both its defence minister and armed
forces are subordinate to the U.S.
Commander-in-Chief through both NATO and NORAD
command structures.
Who adopted the "Global Canada" conception which
is being pushed? Who agrees that Canada's
government should be set up as a war government
with a war economy?
The "security" this conference is based on is a
Cold War definition of "collective security" which
does not respond to Canada's defence needs or the
demand of the peoples of the world for peace and
the peaceful resolution of conflicts within and
between nations. It responds to the demands of the
U.S. imperialists through NATO and the biggest
arms monopolies and other private interests to
increase military spending, step up war
preparations and control all interests which clash
with their own.
In line with the
Liberal government's public relations approach,
Canada's participation in the HISF and launching
of wars is presented as a factor for a "more
stable and peaceful world" and a "rules-based
international order." It is not. The great
insecurity felt by the world's peoples today is a
direct result of the U.S.-led imperialist wars
that have devastated and threatened countries and
whole regions. Against this warmongering path --
which does not contribute one iota to solving the
serious problems humankind is facing due to the
neo-liberal destruction of the natural and social
environment, betrayal of the nation, and issues
such as poverty, hunger, and the COVID-19 pandemic
-- the forces which genuinely stand for peace
demand concrete measures to make Canada a zone for
peace by getting Canada out of NATO and NORAD, and
demilitarizing the economy and changing its
direction to make it pro-social so that it can
meet the needs of the people.
The HISF attaches high significance to its
initiative to bring together the movers and
shakers of U.S. imperialist attempts to dominate
the world. But no matter how much they give rise
to refurbished notions of old theories, they
cannot overcome the imperialist security dilemma
formulated as far back as 1957 by none other than
Henry Kissinger when he was still a professor
at Harvard University.
"But so far as the effect on our national policy
is concerned, the stalemate ... has been with us
ever since the explosions over Hiroshima and
Nagasaki. To be sure, in the first postwar years
it was not a physical stalemate. For nearly a
decade the United States was virtually immune to
Soviet retaliation. It was a stalemate, none the
less, in the sense that we never succeeded in
translating our military superiority into a
political advantage." (emphasis added.)
Kissinger adds, [O]ur atomic monopoly had at best
a deterrent effect."
This describes the problem the Anglo-American
imperialists have had all along -- that their
military superiority does not provide political
advantage. It does not do away with politics.
Sovereign countries continue to exist with their
own right to be and right to decide their own
affairs. Thirty NATO members out of 198 countries
in the world do not the world make.
With the fall of the Soviet Union and the onset
of the neo-liberal nation-wrecking agenda, the
security dilemma facing the imperialists can only
continue to get worse so long as their neo-liberal
agenda does not recognize international relations
based on territoriality and nation-states have
been usurped by very narrow private interests
which operate internationally as cartels and
coalitions vying for control. What they cannot
control, they seek to destroy. No matter what
choice the imperialists and their henchmen make,
in the absence of politics all they have left is
"endless war" -- states of exception and the use
of force to try to control what they cannot
control through threats, anarchy and violence
coupled with attempts to justify what cannot be
justified.
In 2016, it was the missile defence shield to
contain Russia. Now it is a global handbook to
contain China.
The fact remains that the greatest insecurity is
that people are disempowered, the prerogative
power gives them no say whatsoever over foreign
affairs and defence policy. This makes gatherings
such as the one organized by No Harbour for War
very significant because its aim is to provide
those who are on the front line fighting for peace
with information and assessments of the war
preparations by the HISF, Canada and NATO. To
share and exchange experiences, and work out a new
direction for Canada is important work.
Canadians should demand that the HISF be banned,
along with demanding that Canada get out of NATO
and NORAD and that they be dismantled. No foreign
troops should be permitted to operate on Canadian
territory and Canadian forces should be brought
home to operate only in defence of Canada based on
how the Canadian people define that need, not the
U.S. imperialists, NATO and their so-called
intelligence agencies. No foreign warships,
whether or not they carry nuclear weapons, should
be permitted to use our harbours. All foreign
think tanks and NATO-sponsored Canadian academic
institutions should be dismantled. All front
groups and non-governmental organizations which
promote imperialist war aims must be rejected by
the people.
With a pro-social aim and new direction for the
economy, other uses can be found for that social
wealth and the human productive force released
from the war economy. Needless to say, the
suggestions to humanize the social and natural
environment are unlimited in their scope.
Ban the Halifax War Conference
and Oppose the Government of Canada's War Aims!
No Harbour for War!
Make Canada a Zone for Peace!
The Government of Canada and NATO continue to
take measures to embroil the youth in their
imperialist wars and war preparations. A recent
report from the Center for European Policy
Analysis think tank declared, "NATO faces
existential threat if it can't reach younger
generations." The report said "NATO has not done
enough to activate interest in younger European
leaders."
"'We need to
recognize there is a whole new generation of
post-Cold War citizens of the alliance who have
grown up in an entirely different environment, and
they are already beginning to take up roles in
national government, and they have a different set
of priorities that are more in line with future
threats,' the author of the report, Lauren
Speranza, told Defense News.
"'If NATO doesn't bring them into the fold now,
we risk this scenario in which NATO is viewed as
outdated and doesn't have the buy-in of a next
generation of political leaders, and at that point
risks retirement.'
"Speranza offered three key areas where the
alliance should step up its focus in order to make
sure NATO is relevant to that post-Cold War
cohort.
"The first is a focus on the nontraditional
threats that are well below the Article 5
designation, an area that 'has impact on the
everyday lives of millennials and Gen Z in a way
that it doesn't current policy makers,' per
Speranza. A more proactive effort in that regard
(something NATO has begun doing in recent years)
would help attract interest in a way that a focus
on Article 5, which refers to the alliance's
collective defense clause, may not, she said.
"The second is a need to develop a technology and
innovation agenda. The private tech industry is
always in competition with the defence sector for
young talent, and often wins, but NATO also lags
behind the Pentagon and the European Union in how
it recruits and offers interesting challenges for
younger technology experts.
"The third area also dovetails with statements
from NATO leadership that it needs to figure out
how to relate to China, and what role the alliance
may play in the Pacific.
"'There are a lot of next-gen leaders with an
interest in Asia, so bringing them in to help
inform how partnerships with Asian nations could
happen is a good way to benefit both sides,'
Speranza said. 'It's not about tearing up the
current NATO agenda. It's about finding ways to
communicate those priorities with ways that
resonate with next-gen leaders.'"
On November 9 in Brussels, "NATO Secretary
General Jens Stoltenberg kicked off an all-day
NATO 2030 Youth Summit aimed at injecting interest
in the alliance into millennial and Generation Z
future leaders," Defense News reported.
"'You -- tomorrow's leaders, both in North
America and Europe -- have the greatest stake in
our security, so NATO 2030 is the chance for you
to step up and safeguard your future, your
freedom, your Alliance,' Stoltenberg said in his
opening comments."
The Centre for European Policy Analysis approved
the Summit.
The report from Defense News continues:
"The next-gen summit itself serves as a perfect
example of the internal challenges Speranza sees
at alliance headquarters. The effort is billed as
a way to bring younger voices into NATO at a time
when the alliance is undergoing a major review of
its future, dubbed NATO 2030, and alliance
leadership has announced plans to stand up a Young
Leaders group in parallel to the review -- all
good moves, on paper.
"But, Speranza says, 'in an ideal world, we would
just put a few next-gen representatives on the
main Reflection Group instead of running a
parallel process.'
"'Oftentimes the next generation wants to be
consulted but they get very few opportunities, and
it's always under this next-gen label; they don't
get to sit at the adults table or get to actually
work shoulder to shoulder. By maintaining this
divide, we do the Alliance a disservice.'"
The fact is that
the younger generations born after the fall of the
Soviet Union and the Cold War division of the
world into two camps are not infected with the
superpowers' Cold War preoccupations. "We are not
getting into their games. Every day our efforts of
awareness, information and mobilization must
ensure that the youth won't be mobilized for
imperialist war and won't serve as cannon fodder
for the hegemonic wars of the oligarchs and their
governments," said Alexandre Cubaynes on behalf of
Youth for Democratic Renewal. "Canada must not
participate in U.S. imperialist war preparations
and must also defend its sovereignty in a
meaningful way. By this, we mean that we shall not
permit the U.S. imperialists to exercise command
and control over Canada's air, land, water and
government and military assets. We must withdraw
from NATO as well as NORAD and work for an
independent foreign policy. This means removing
all Canadian soldiers, ships and equipment from
foreign territory. Most importantly, it means that
Canadians must prepare to establish an anti-war
government."
Alexandre stressed that the slogan of the youth
is Not a Single Youth for Imperialist War.
"Our aim is to establish an anti-war government so
that Canada is a factor for peace, not predatory
war. An anti-war government would withdraw Canada
from NATO, NORAD and other aggressive military
bodies and arrangements, and end interference in
the affairs of sovereign countries. An anti-war
government would work to end the displacement of
people as a result of wars of aggression and
occupation and to provide humanitarian aid to
refugees and victims of natural disasters," he
said.
Not a Single Youth for
Imperialist War!
Pas un seul jeune pour la guerre impérialiste!
October 30, 2004. Demonstration in opposition to
the presence of warships in Montreal.
Canada is a founding member of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) established on April 4,
1949. It has also been a member of the North
American Aerospace Defence Command (NORAD) since
May 12, 1958. The integration of the Canadian
military into the U.S. military has been one of
the characteristics of Canada's membership in
these military alliances. Despite the determined
and continued opposition of the Quebec, Canadian
and Indigenous peoples to any participation of
Canada in such alliances and wars of aggression
and occupation under the helm of the U.S.
imperialists, the Canadian government continues
its interventions against the peoples of the
world. This translates into putting the territory,
public space and public funds at the disposal of
these alliances.
La Presse reported on October 21, that the
Canadian government will be increasing the federal
budget allocation for war based on its commitment
as a member of NATO. "NATO figures show that
Canada is on the verge of committing 1.45 per cent
of its GDP to the military this year. This not
only represents a significant hike from last
year's 1.29 per cent, but the largest share of the
GDP for defence in a decade.[1]
"It also exceeds the Liberal government's
original provisions, set out in the 2017 defence
policy, to spend 1.4 per cent of the GDP on the
military by 2024-2025 -- the year NATO members
were to reach the two per cent target."[2]
Pretext of Protecting Populations and Countering
Threats from Abroad
Fifty years after the implementation of the War
Measures
Act and the military occupation of Quebec by
the Trudeau government, Canadian military training
activities continue in the name of protecting the
population.
The military occupation of Quebec was used to
crush the struggle of the Quebec people in the
late 1960s for the affirmation of their rights,
under the pretext of an apprehended armed
insurrection, which was later revealed as pure
fabrication on the government's part. Shortly
before the 50th anniversary of that occupation,
October 31, Canadian Special Operations Forces
held a military exercise at the Farnham military
base during the night of October 20-21. CH-146
Griffon and CH-147 Chinook aircraft flew over the
municipalities of Farnham, Chambly and the
surrounding towns en route to the Saint-Hubert
airport. It was reported that the sky was full of
helicopters and that shots were fired. Canadian
Special Operations Forces Command (CANSOFCOM) is a
high-readiness organization, able to deploy
special operations forces on very short notice,
purportedly to protect the Canadian population
against threats at home and abroad.
Ian Grant, the captain in charge of the command,
says: "The training included extensive air support
from the Royal Canadian Air Force. This exercise
was regular training for Canadian Special
Operations Forces Command that helps maintain the
skills that may be required for overseas
deployments, and provides an opportunity to build
the skills needed to protect Canadians here at
home.[3]
In August, a military training exercise was held
in the Arctic, called Operation NANOOK, a mainstay
of the Canadian Armed Forces since 2007. The
exercise lasted three weeks and was led by Canada
and, for the first time, joined by allies the
United States, France and Denmark.
A report on the naval exercise in the Arctic
says that it was intended to send a message of
unity against potential adversaries in the north
-- who are identified as Russia or China. Three
Canadian Navy warships and four allied warships
participated in the exercise, conducting most of
their activities in the Davis Strait between
Baffin Island and Greenland, which is considered
part of the Northwest Passage.
"The message is that the Arctic is strategically
important. It's becoming
increasingly important for our collective
national security," said Vice Admiral Steven
Poulin, Commander of the U.S. Coast Guard's
Atlantic area [our emphasis].[4]
In July 2020, the 408 Tactical Helicopter
Squadron travelled to 4 Wing Cold Lake, Alberta to
participate in Gander Gunner 2020, a week-long
aerial gunnery exercise for the squadron's
newly-assigned aircrew. CH-146 Griffon helicopters
flew over the Cold Lake Air Weapons Range, each
equipped with two lateral C6 machine guns to learn
new skills.
The Gander Gunner exercise focused on door gunner
accuracy, effective attack patterns and realistic
tactical scenarios, to maintain the high standard
of training for all aircrew. Missions used night
vision goggle technology to allow attack teams to
conduct fire missions even through the darkest
nights.[5]
In October, soldiers from the Canadian Army
participated in a military exercise in Kuwait with
the U.S. military. Canadian Forces members in
Kuwait were trained in special operations weapons
at the Udairi Range complex with the U.S.
Joint Special Operations Forces Support Detachment
in Kuwait (JSSD-K), led by the United States
Central Command (CENTCOM), responsible for U.S.
military operations in the Middle East, Central
Asia, and South Asia.[6]
Members of JSSD-K brought together soldiers from
the 386th Expeditionary Security Forces Squadron,
the 386th Expeditionary Civil Engineering
Squadron, 387 Air Expeditionary Squadron, Camp
Canada and Camp Moreell for a day of Special
Operations -- Weapons (SOF) training.[7]
Militarization of Police Forces
One of the aspects of life today is the
bankruptcy of democratic institutions and the
violent response of governments to contain the
popular will that demands control over all
decisions affecting the lives of the people. The
use of police powers takes many forms, including
the militarization of police forces. For example,
war weaponry is now purchased by various
municipalities and made available to their police
forces. In February 2018, the City of Laval
entered into a $168,000 private contract with Colt
for the purchase of long guns and powerful
ammunition. The assault rifles are not intended
for use by special forces, but for patrol
officers.
The justification was provided in the call for
tenders: "It is imperative for the Laval Police
Service to acquire adequate, effective and precise
patrol rifles so that police officers can
neutralize the threat in a minimum amount of time
and with maximum precision." The rifles are to be
made available to patrol officers and carried in
the trunks of patrol cars so that they can react
in the event of an attack or killing. What is the
threat? It did not say.
In 2018, the Chateauguay Police Department took
steps to equip its patrol officers with 5.56 mm
calibre weapons. These weapons are to be used
under two circumstances: in the presence of an
active shooter or a barricaded suspect. Patrol
officers can intervene in high-risk situations
without waiting for the arrival of the
intervention team.
In November 2019, the media announced that
members of the City of Montreal Police Service
(SPVM) Emergency Response Team (ERT) will soon
carry assault rifles with an even greater strike
force than those already in their possession. The
police force has issued a call for tender to
acquire weapons comparable to the mythical AK-47,
capable of stopping a pickup truck or piercing
light armor.
In 2018, the Sûreté du Québec (SQ), the
provincial police force, received 230 Colt C8
rifles from the Canadian Forces. One hundred and
fifty patrol officers are to be trained "on
budget." One hundred have already taken the course
and some forty weapons are already circulating in
as many patrol units across Quebec. In November
2019, the SQ also signed a $153,000 contract to
purchase semi-automatic long guns and 300 Blackout
ammunition from the MD Charlton Company.
During 2017, the City of Longueuil signed at
least 11 contracts for a total of $751,000. A
dozen assault rifles were purchased for the
tactical teams, as well as accessories such as
silencers, and optical equipment.
In addition, tens of thousands of rounds of
ammunition have been ordered for patrol officers'
long guns. Patrol officers will use C8 assault
rifles supplied by the Canadian Army. "All of our
patrol officers who will be using long guns have
undergone rigorous training," the City of
Longueuil Police Service said.[8]
Militarization of Life and Public Space
More recently, within in the context of the
pandemic, the federal government deployed the
Canadian Armed Forces to "assist" public
authorities. Among other things, Deputy Prime
Minister Chrystia Freeland's refusal to allow the
Cuban Henry Reeve Brigades to provide assistance
to the Anishinaabe and Dakota communities in
Manitoba at their request is a case in point.
Instead, the next day, the Deputy Prime Minister
called on the Canadian Armed Forces to assist
them.
In Quebec, more than 1,400 members of the
Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) were mobilized by
civilian authorities in 47 residential and
long-term care centres (CHSLDs). Operation LASER
-- the deployment of Canadian Forces members to
seniors' residences in Quebec and Ontario in the
spring to combat COVID-19 -- was carried out
gradually, beginning on April 22. The Legault
government even intervened to request that the
armed forces remain until September, saying it was
an essential service.
The government refused and continues to refuse to
listen to and apply the proposals of workers and
professionals in the field who have the experience
and know-how to save lives. Instead of responding
to the pressing demands of health care workers in
terms of equipment, masks, human and material
resources and ending the anti-social offensive
with large investments in health care, the
government has turned to the armed forces.
COVID-19 becomes the pretext. In actual fact, this
becomes a military exercise in the public domain,
right in the heart of health care facilities.
Natural Resources Deemed in the National
Interest
Another aspect of the use of our national
territory for military and aggressive NATO and
U.S. Command purposes is their strong interest in
our natural resources that can be used for
military purposes. The October 24, 2020 issue of TML
Weekly points to the minerals of interest:
"Of the 35 critical minerals, many others are
also extracted in Canada, such as cobalt (in
Ontario), niobium, scandium and titanium (in
Quebec). Plans are in place for others to be
mined, such as chromium (Ontario's Ring of Fire),
vanadium (from the tar sands in Alberta and
Quebec's Lac Doré complex), lithium (in the James
Bay area, Quebec) and rare earth elements (REEs)
(in northern Saskatchewan). In all these cases,
Quebec and provincial governments across Canada
are providing all sorts of handouts to the rich in
the form of infrastructure projects (building of
roads, railways, power lines, and research and
development facilities) and bailouts. [...]
"As indicated in the 2018 United States
Geological Survey document on critical minerals,
many of the elements found in Canada have military
and civilian applications. Aluminum is used in
many civilian and military ground, marine and
aerospace applications such as vehicles, naval
vessels, airframes and plane and rocket fuselages.
Cesium and rubidium are indispensable elements in
global positioning satellites (GPS), rocket
guidance systems, military infrared devices (night
vision), cellular phones and fibre optics, to name
just a few.
"Indium is used for aircraft windshields,
military infrared imaging, flat panel displays for
computer and TV screens and for nuclear
applications, amongst many other uses.
Various REEs are used in jet engines; in
military guidance, laser, radar and sonar systems;
and to make permanent magnets. Tellurium has
military applications in infrared devices (night
vision) and semiconductors for telecommunication
and electronic devices. Uranium has many
applications for space missions, nuclear
propulsion of military vessels and nuclear power
stations."
Make Canada a Zone for Peace
In these military
activities and the occupation of public space and
territory, the peoples of Canada, Quebec, the
First Nations and even the peoples of the world
and their objective movement to be able to decide
upon all matters of concern to them are not part
of the equation. Yet, the reality is that only the
peoples of the world in their struggle for
justice, dignity, emancipation, peace and security
are capable of achieving peace.
For decades Canadians and Quebeckers have
expressed their opposition to any participation by
Canada in aggressive alliances that seek to crush
and subjugate other peoples and nations that
refuse to submit to imperialist dictate.
Demonstrations, petitions, and public statements
are now part of their DNA. Not a single NATO
warship can dock in a Quebec port, or anywhere
else in the country, without being met by
demonstrators. The Canadian, Quebec and
Indigenous peoples are actively demonstrating
their desire for a Canada that is a zone of peace,
for an anti-war Canada that it is so urgent to
build.
Notes
1. "Le Canada
augmente nettement sa part en défense, selon
l'OTAN," La Presse, October 21, 2020.
2. Ibid.
3. "Des aéronets survolent
la région en plein nuit," Journal de Chambly,
October 21, 2020.
4. "Le Canada mène un
exercice militaire dans l'Arctique," La Presse,
August 4, 2020.
5. "Exercise Grander
Gunner 2020," Canadian Armed Forces, September
16, 2020.
6. 45e Nord, Armes
d'opérations spéciales: les Canadiens
s'entraînent au Koweit avec les Américains,
October 23, 2020.
7. Ibid.
8. "Vague d'achats
de fusils d'assaut au sein des corps policiers
du Québec," Radio-Canada, May 15, 2018.
The U.S. imperialists and their allies, such as
Canada, have been increasingly targeting China
through the Halifax International Security Forum
(HISF).
In a November 13 press release concerning the
priorities at this year's forum (HFX2020), the
HISF stated: "China's increasingly antagonistic
foreign policy stance and what democracies can do
about it will be a key topic at HFX2020. Taking
part in those discussions will, amongst others, be
the former chairperson of the Democratic Party of
Hong Kong, Emily Lau; Ai Weiwei, human rights
activist and artist; and Dolkun Isa, President of
the World Uyghur Congress. China vs Democracy:
The Greatest Game, a handbook outlining
the collective approach that the world's
democracies can take to counter Xi Jinping's
global ambitions, will also be released at
HFX2020."
A related development is the increasing arms
sales to Taiwan (officially the Republic of China)
to provoke China, seemingly in contravention of
the one-China policy. Whether or not this signals
an end to respect for the one-China policy, it
certainly shows that attempts to replace
arrangements entered into in the aftermath of
World War II and the founding of the People's
Republic of China (PRC) on the basis of which
international relations have been conducted are
being destroyed.
The anti-China initiative was originally
announced November 22, 2019, two days after U.S.
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo issued a demand
following a NATO Foreign Ministers' meeting in
Brussels, that NATO countries cannot ignore the
"fundamental differences and beliefs" between
themselves and the Communist Party of China.
In a press release issued at last year's forum,
the HISF announced "a new year-long initiative
focused on China" and HISF President Peter Van
Praagh declared, "It's no longer a secret that Xi
Jinping's China is working hard to make the world
safe for authoritarianism. It is time for a
comprehensive China strategy for the United
States, Canada and their allies -- one that makes
the world safe for democracy.
"Over the next 12 months, Halifax will consult
with subject experts and thought leaders to get
their input on what can be done to confront this
growing threat to our freedom."
The HISF "consulted with over 250 experts from
around the world, including cabinet secretaries
from the Clinton, Bush, and Obama
administrations." In the end its "thought leaders"
produced a bleak "handbook" and "a statement of
principles," barren of principle, titled China
vs. Democracy -- The Greatest Game: A Handbook
for Democracies, a 101-page document
available on the HISF website.[1]
The handbook's Executive Summary resorts to
discredited accusations that the PRC is to blame
for the COVID-19 pandemic, using this to buttress
its claims that China and its leadership pose an
existential threat to "democracy" worldwide. The
summary ends by threatening retaliation against
China for its alleged misdeeds:
"Now is the time to soberly rethink the
democratic world's policy responses to the China
challenge. Democracies must pursue a carefully
considered yet robust push back -- push back that
Xi's China has brought upon itself. The CCP
[Chinese Communist Party] must recalibrate its
global ambitions and back off from the ongoing
assault on the world's democracies.
"Neither the United States nor any other
democracy is likely to successfully meet the
challenge from the PRC by going it alone. The good
news is that no country, including the United
States, need go it alone.
"The effective deployment of U.S. power, wealth
and technological prowess in conjunction with its
vast array of global allies, will ensure that
China's ambitions can be kept in check. While the
United States remains the free world's natural
leader, alliances and partnerships among
democracies will be different than those of the
twentieth century. Reimagining democratic
alliances that are fit for the twenty-first
century is the most urgent task of the day."
The handbook does not mention Pompeo or his
marching orders. Rather it says of its genesis:
"This project began as a series of meetings hosted
by Baroness Neville-Jones at the U.K. House of
Lords in London in 2019. At one of those meetings,
Baroness Neville-Jones, who has been a stalwart
friend and supporter since HFX began in 2009,
pointedly declared that there was no common
strategy among the world's democracies with regard
to China, and that there ought to be one. This
handbook seeks to contribute toward building that
common strategy." Neville-Jones has been a member
of Bilderberg, Chairman, QinetiQ (UK privatized
military research/services company); governor,
BBC; Chairman, Information Assurance Advisory
Council; Chairman, Joint Intelligence Committee;
and Managing Director, NatWest Markets.
The lead author of the handbook is Robin
Shepherd, newly-appointed HISF Vice-President, and
an experienced reactionary British journalist
affiliated with the Henry Jackson Society in
Britain, the McCain Institute in the U.S., and
Just Journalism, an Israeli advocacy group. His
book, A State Beyond the Pale: Europe's
Problem with Israel, was so extreme in its
promotion of Israeli state terrorism that he was
reportedly fired by Chatham House, also known as
the Royal Institute of International Affairs,
where he was head of the Europe program.
The "team of colleagues and collaborators"
includes Paz Magat, who comes from a
counter-revolutionary background -- her family
fled the People Power Revolution in 1986 against
the Marcos dictatorship in the Philippines. She
previously worked with the U.S. State Department
and is in charge of the HISF NATO "Peace With
Women Fellowship" organized to embroil women in
aggression and war under the banner of
"inclusion."
The handbook specifically credits amongst others:
- Michael R. Auslin, of the Hoover Institution
and HISF's Senior Advisor for Asia, "who provided
general oversight." In 1959, former U.S. President
Herbert Hoover said of the institute that bears
his name, "The purpose of this institution must
be, by its research and publications, to
demonstrate the evils of the doctrines of Karl
Marx." Auslin is a fellow at London's Policy
Exchange, a conservative think tank which had
close ties to David Cameron; and Vice Chairman of
the Wilton Park USA Foundation, the U.S. arm of
Wilton Park, an executive agency of the British
Foreign and Commonwealth Office.
Auslin was formerly Director of Japan Studies
with the conservative American Enterprise
Institute for Public Policy Research, which played
a major role in manufacturing support for the 2003
U.S. invasion of Iraq.
- Admiral Mike Rogers (retired), former Director
of the U.S. National Security Agency and former
Commander of U.S. Cyber Command;
- John Mullen, former Assistant Director of the
CIA for East Asia and the Pacific and former
Associate Executive Assistant Director for the
FBI, responsible for "counterterrorism,
counterintelligence, WMD, and intelligence efforts
worldwide";
- Ambassador Kenichiro Sasae, President of the
Japan Institute of International Affairs;
- Ambassador Hemant Singh, Director General of
the Delhi Policy Group (DPG), and Brigadier Arun
Sahgal (retired), DPG Senior Fellow for Strategic
and Regional Security;
- Peter Hefele, Head of Department Asia and
Pacific, and David Merkle, Desk Officer China, at
Germany's Konrad Adenauer-Stiftung Foundation; and
- Roland Paris, Trudeau's former senior foreign
policy advisor.
In a November 17 tweet, the HISF declared:
"Beijing has made a priority of installing its
loyalists as leading figures in int'l
organizations, from the @ITU to the @icao. HFX
thanks @UNWatch & @HillelNeuer for their
contribution to the Handbook for Democracies, and
for keeping authoritarian regimes like China in
check."
Neuer is a South African from Toronto. UN Watch
is a minuscule Geneva-based agency which looks
after Israel's interests; it is formally
affiliated with the American Jewish Committee, a
pro-Israeli political lobby organization based in
New York. UN Watch is devoted to subverting the
most fundamental principles of the UN Charter in
the name of human rights and ensuring "balance"
towards Israel which has been condemned by more
than 20 human rights resolutions and more than 70
UN General Assembly resolutions.
UN Watch has nothing to teach Canadians or the
peoples of the world about democracy. It organized
the so-called Libyan Human Rights letter of
February 21, 2011 faking the case against Libya.
It called for the UN Security Council (UNSC) to
invoke the "Responsibility to Protect" and invade
Libya. The letter was used by the UNSC, Obama and
NATO as the pretext for unleashing the "no fly
zones" as a cover for the savage aggression of the
U.S.-NATO forces. This included bombing by
warplanes and drone attacks which killed thousands
of innocent people. A Canadian Forces general was
installed as commander.
In the same vein as the handbook, the HISF also
released its "China Principles," presented as some
sort of pledge of allegiance to be sworn by those
it deems part of the "democratic world." It reads
as follows:
"The democratic world pledges to defend itself
from the following practices that undermine its
values and way of life:
"- ignoring China's attempts to interfere in
democratic societies;
- submitting to, collaborating with, or
participating in any censorship or self-censorship
of ideas, writings, artistic endeavors, or
statements related to the People's Republic of
China;
- participating in any business or
technology-related practices or exchanges that aid
and abet Chinese Communist Party oppression of its
own people;
- neglecting to oppose attempts by the People's
Republic of China to bring global governance of
the internet and technological standards into
alignment with its own authoritarian values and
ambitions;
- supporting or engaging in any kind of punishment
or sanction of anyone for engaging in criticism of
China;
- failing to support democratically-minded people
and governments across the world who face pressure
or intimidation by the People's Republic of China;
- knowingly buying or trading in Chinese products
or services made with forced labor, or that are
the result of criminal activities like
counterfeiting or intellectual property theft."
On November 18, the Communications Security
Establishment and its Canadian Centre for Cyber
Security, whose chief Shelly Bruce participates in
the HISF, released a hysterical report declaring
China, Russia, Iran and the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea as "strategic threats to Canada"
for cyber attacks, fake news, theft of
intellectual property and so on. To justify its
approach the Canadian Security Intelligence
Service in a recent report desperately went so far
as to paint Chinese Canadians as shock troops in
China's alleged schemes. According to the
xenophobic and racist theses akin to the Yellow
Peril of the 19th century, Chinese Canadians are
puppets of the Communist Party of China who are
secretly infiltrating Canadian society. This
follows explicit attempts to dub COVID-19 the
"Wuhan virus" as if to blame China for the
negligence of the public health system by the
ruling circles in Canada. Besides the aim of
fomenting aggression against China, such baseless
accusations are to divert the people from looking
at their own economic system, political process
and the inhuman conditions forced on them, so that
they do not take action to find new arrangements.
Note
1. China vs
Democracy: The Greatest Game, available here.
At a one-day conference titled "Preparing NATO
and the Allies for the Future Challenges" in
Sofia, Bulgaria on October 27, NATO Deputy
Secretary General Mircea Geoana gave a speech in
which he outlined NATO's current preoccupations.
The speech was part of the first panel discussion
called "NATO in the next decade: Providing peace
and security in a challenging security
environment."
Geoana stated, "NATO's main task during the
pandemic is to make sure that the health crisis
does not become a security crisis. [...] We have
done what is necessary to keep our forces safe, to
maintain our operational readiness and sustain our
missions and operations, from our presence here in
the Black Sea Region to countering terrorism in
Iraq and Afghanistan." He mentioned that troops in
NATO countries are supporting their national
civilian responses to COVID-19.
He highlighted what he called areas of
instability of concern for the aggressive
alliance, including "North Africa and the greater
Middle East," as well as the "Western Balkans
[...], where we see a confluence of threats from
nationalist, Islamist, radicalist and Russian
interference." Russia's activities in its own
territory were described as "seek[ing] to dominate
its neighbours here in the Black Sea Region and
all along NATO's eastern flank, expanding its
military presence on NATO's borders."
Geoana also cited the importance of cyber warfare
and artificial intelligence for NATO going
forward, saying, "We are involved in a new
technological race where conflicts are
increasingly defined by bytes and big data and AI
as the minister has said, as much as by bullets
and battleships. And NATO is driving innovation.
Our Science and Technology Organization runs a
network of over 6,000 scientists and engineers
from across the Alliance. They're dedicated to
integrating the most advanced technologies in NATO
and Allied platforms [...]
"Throughout NATO's 70 years history, we have
mostly dominated the technological race, but now
that dominance is being challenged. Other nations
like Russia and China, countries that do not share
the same values as we do, are developing new
technologies: from hypersonic missiles, to
autonomous systems, through artificial
intelligence and cyber warfare."
He went on to say, in effect, that post-secondary
institutions and the fields of science and
engineering should be used to maintain NATO's
dominance, and also that the youth should also be
embroiled in "transforming our societies and
ensure that our economies and militaries remain
strong."
He also pushed for NATO members to subordinate
themselves to the supranational interests of the
aggressive alliance in the name of
"interoperability," saying, "[...] we must make
sure that we do not create an unbridgeable
technological gap between Allies. This is why and
where NATO plays a central role, agreeing
standards across all Allies. So we are not 30
separate nations, but one united alliance." He did
not mention NATO's demand that member countries
are expected to commit two per cent of GDP toward
the military, regardless of what the citizens of
those countries want.
Geoana went on to
claim that NATO is concerned about climate change,
citing a recent speech by NATO Secretary General
Jens Stoltenberg "on the very real and growing
security implications of our changing climate,
which is putting pressure on basic resources like
food, water and energy, fuelling conflict and
increasing existing threats." He added that "NATO
is directly affected by a warming planet. For
example, our Training Mission in Iraq, this summer
in Baghdad, temperatures regularly went above 50
degrees Celsius. Just imagine being in that sort
of heat, let alone wearing full combat gear."
Nothing was said about the fact that NATO and its
aggressive activities are collectively one of the
biggest emitters of greenhouse gases that are
responsible for climate change.
Geoana stated that NATO's Secretary General "is
leading a process called NATO 2030. It aims to
look to the future so that NATO can continue to
protect our almost one billion citizens in the
coming decade and way, way beyond. NATO 2030 is
about keeping the Alliance strong, literally, by
continuing to invest more in capabilities we need
to deter and to defend ourselves on land, at sea,
in the air, in space and cyberspace.
"Also making NATO stronger politically, by
bringing more issues that affect our security to
NATO's table -- even if sometimes, as we see,
these very days, discussions may not be easy.
"And also, third, taking a more global approach.
This doesn't mean a global presence, per se,
because NATO remains a regional organization by
definition and by treaty. But working ever closely
with our partners around the world to defend our
values and way of life. And this is paramount for
our continued success.
"So a strong military, a strong political
Alliance is essential. But this is not enough. We
also need strong societies able to prevent, to
endure, to adapt and bounce back from whatever
happens to them. In the years ahead, we have to
put a much greater emphasis on resilience.
"NATO Allies have already agreed high standards
for resilience in areas including the continuity
of government, secure transport and communications
including 5G, energy, food and water supplies. And
we are working closely with the European Union,
with the private sector, with civil society and
academia on all these, because ultimately,
although resilience is a national responsibility,
it is also a collective effort.
"As part of NATO 2030, we want to go further and
agree stronger requirements for resilience at the
meeting of NATO heads of states and governments
next year."
Geoana concluded by promoting the fiction that
the aggressive NATO alliance ensures the
collective security of its members, while it
threatens the safety and well-being of all those
who do not submit to its agenda. Joining NATO's
protection racket, he claimed has "protected
Bulgaria for the last 15, 16 years now. And it
will continue to do so for many years to come. Our
nations stand united across two continents for a
single, simple and powerful reason: our values,
our freedom, our democracy, our human rights, the
rule of law."
The first panel also featured opening remarks
from organizers and sponsors, as well as remarks
from Bulgarian defence officials.
There were three other panels, which elaborated
NATO's preoccupations outlined in the speech by
Geoana.
The second panel was titled "NATO's key tasks in
the dynamic security environment. Non-military
non-traditional risks and threats to NATO and the
member-states. Shall NATO adopt new roles?" which
was described in conference materials as follows:
"The global pandemic caused by the coronavirus
has a devastating effect on many countries. Many
people were infected and many lost their lives.
The economies are suffering heavy losses. The
crisis is having an impact on NATO activities and
exercises.
"Following the initial shock, Member States and
NATO have been able to coordinate their efforts to
deal with the crisis, making full use of NATO
structures and common capabilities. What are the
implications of the COVID-19 crisis on NATO
operations and capabilities?
"What are the first analyses and lessons learned
from the crisis and what shall we do in order to
be more prepared if similar threats occur in the
future? What conclusions for NATO strategic
foresight, preparedness and cooperation can be
drawn?"
The third panel was titled "Providing NATO with
new capabilities in the new technological
environment," which was described by organizers as
follows:
"The new technologies can greatly enhance NATO's
capabilities. At the same time, their
vulnerabilities and weaknesses must be known. On
the other hand, strategic rivals are also
developing military capabilities based on new
technologies.
"What are NATO's approaches and policies towards
emerging and disruptive technologies and new
non-military threats? How to coordinate planning
and development of capabilities based on the new
technologies? Advantages and disadvantages of the
new technologies. Is there a digital divide within
NATO and how to overcome it? How shall NATO and
the EU better coordinate approaches?"
The last panel was titled "Anticipating the
future. How to prepare NATO and Allies to meet the
future risks and threats" and was described as
follows:
"The complex security environment which combines
old and new risks and threats, requires an
improved assessment and strategic foresight.
Better understanding of the nature of these risks
and strong leadership are needed to deal with
them. This is especially relevant for the use of
new technologies to achieve superiority in
capabilities and operations.
"How can we better prepare NATO and the
member-states to face the future challenges? What
needs to be done at national and NATO levels so
that we can assess the potential negative
developments or impact of new technologies on
defence capabilities and the nature of war as a
whole? What must we do now to be able to predict
and adequately respond to future crises and
challenges? What policies and coordination
mechanisms help us to better prepare to meet the
new crises?"
Having declared
himself President-elect, Joe Biden on November 10
announced a 23-member transition team to review
the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) between now
and when the new president is supposed to take
office on January 20, 2021. The people chosen and
the institutions they come from -- created
during the Cold War -- are indicative
that a Biden administration will be as hopelessly
stuck in past failures as have its predecessors.
U.S. pragmatism follows the adage that failures
will somehow turn into successes if only one
reshuffles the cards enough times. Fossilized Cold
War relics will not provide the U.S. with a way
forward no matter how much it tries.
Defense News notes two notable members of
the team: "The team is led by Kathleen Hicks, who
served as both principal deputy undersecretary of
defense for policy, as well as deputy
undersecretary of defense for strategy, plans, and
forces in the Obama administration. She is
currently the director of the Center for Strategic
and International Studies' [CSIS] International
Security Program.
"Also included on the list is Christine Wormuth,
director of the RAND International Security and
Defense Policy Center. Wormuth held a number of
roles in the Obama administration, culminating as
undersecretary of defense for policy from
2014-2016. Both Hicks and Wormuth were seen as
contenders for top DoD jobs, perhaps deputy
secretary of defense, before today's
announcement."
Center for Strategic and International Studies
The CSIS is a U.S. thinktank that says its
"purpose is to define the future of national
security. We are guided by a distinct set of
values -- non-partisanship, independent thought,
innovative thinking, cross-disciplinary
scholarship, integrity and professionalism, and
talent development. CSIS's values work in concert
toward the goal of making real-world impact."
"A Brief History" of the CSIS on its website
states it was founded in 1962 "at the height of
the Cold War" and that since then it "has been at
the forefront of solutions to the vexing foreign
policy and national security problems of the day.
[...] In 2007, the CSIS Smart Power Commission
provided a diagnosis of America's declining
standing in the world and offered a set of
recommendations for a smart power approach to
America's global engagement.[...] CSIS is
regularly called upon by Congress, the executive
branch, the media, and others to explain the day's
events and offer recommendations to improve U.S.
strategy."
Topics that the CSIS deals with include: climate
change; cypersecurity and technology; defense and
security; economics; energy and sustainability;
global health; human rights; international
development.
RAND International Security and Defense Policy
Center
The RAND International Security and Defense
Policy Center (ISDP) says its "work spans the
political, military, and economic aspects of
global challenges, drawing on the best available
qualitative data, quantitative data, and
methodological tools. ISDP helps its clients
understand and manage security challenges,
evaluate the effectiveness of military forces and
postures, and build the capacity of allies and
partners."
The ISDP website further states that it "focuses
on the most-pressing challenges facing the United
States and the world, including potential threats
and opportunities relating to China, Russia, Iran,
North Korea, terrorism, civil war, space, and
technological change. ISDP has helped clients
develop strategies and operational concepts
through workshops, gaming, and other cutting-edge
methods. Topics include countering advanced
Chinese missiles, deterring Russian and North
Korean aggression, and targeting terrorist
networks through coordinated applications of hard
and soft power."
The ISDP is also involved in evaluating "how U.S.
competitors are modernizing their military forces
to constrain U.S. and allied military power
projection." It also supports "U.S. efforts to
strengthen both the governments and the militaries
of allies and partners. By applying proven
analytical methods, ISDP helps identify
opportunities for U.S. programs to improve the
ability of allies and partners to operate
alongside, or in place of, U.S. military forces."
The ISDP is part of the RAND Corporation, that
began as the U.S. Air Force's "Project RAND"
(Research ANd Development) after World War II that
conducted long-range planning of weapons
development. In March 1946, the Douglas Aircraft
Company was granted a contract to conduct research
on intercontinental warfare as Project RAND.
Project RAND separated from Douglas on May 14,
1948, becoming the RAND Corporation. Between
2013-2019, RAND was the top recipient of U.S.
government and defence contractor funding,
receiving $1,209,100,000 in six years.
Center for a New American Security
Biden's Pentagon transition team also draws two
members from the Center for a New American
Security (CNAS). It describes itself as "an
independent, bipartisan, nonprofit organization
that develops strong, pragmatic, and principled
national security and defense policies. CNAS
engages policymakers, experts, and the public with
innovative, fact-based research, ideas, and
analysis to shape and elevate the national
security debate. A key part of our mission is to
inform and prepare the national security leaders
of today and tomorrow." Its website indicates a
preoccupation with U.S. contention with Russia and
China. A section titled "A New American Way of
War," says, "The 2018 National Defense Strategy
[NDS] rightly focuses on competing with, deterring
and, if necessary, defeating Chinese and Russian
aggression. This stark break from a post-Cold War
era focused on regional and irregular threats
requires a wholesale rethinking of how the U.S.
military fights wars.
"A New American Way of War begins where the
nascent ideas of the NDS leave off to develop new
warfighting approaches, operational concepts, and
associated force structure requirements."
Biden's Pentagon Transition Team
The full list of Biden's Pentagon transition team
is:
- Susanna Blume of CNAS, who served as deputy
chief of staff for programs and plans under Bob
Work
- Sharon Burke of the New America think tank, a
former assistant secretary of defense for
operational energy
- Lisa Coe of OtherSide Consulting, a defence
industry consultant
- Melissa Dalton of the CSIS, who has held a
number of jobs in the Pentagon
- John Estrada, a Marine Corps veteran who was
appointed as ambassador to the Republic of
Trinidad and Tobago towards the end of the Obama
administration
- Victor Garcia of Rebellion Defense, a former
director of engineering for the U.S. Digital
Service
- Karen Gibson, a retired Army lieutenant general
who retired in March as deputy director of
National Intelligence for National Security
Partnerships
- Michelle Howard, a retired four-star admiral
who became the first woman to serve as vice chief
of staff for any military branch
- Andrew Hunter of the Center for Strategic and
International Studies, a well-known acquisition
expert
- Mike McCord of the Stennis Center for Public
Service, a former DoD comptroller during the Obama
administration
- Farooq Mitha, who served as special assistant
to the director of the Department of Defense
Office of Small Business Programs under Obama and
as a senior advisor on Muslim American engagement
for the Biden campaign
- Frank Mora for Florida International
University, a former deputy assistant secretary of
defence for the Western Hemisphere under Obama
- Michael Negron, a Navy vet with ties to former
Obama Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel who is currently
assistant director at the Department of Commerce
and Economic Opportunity to the state of Illinois
- Stacie Pettyjohn of the RAND Corporation, an
expert in wargaming who works on strategy and
doctrine issues
- Ely Ratner of the Center for a New American
Security, Biden's deputy national security adviser
during the Obama administration
- Deborah Rosenblum of the Nuclear Threat
Initiative, a nuclear expert who has been part of
negotiations with North Korea
- Lisa Sawyer of JPMorgan Chase, who worked a
number of jobs at both the Pentagon and National
Security Council
- Shawn Skelly of CACI International, a Navy vet,
former commissioner on the National Commission on
Military, National, and Public Service and
vice-president of the Out in National Security
group
- Terri Tanielian of the RAND Corporation, who
focuses on military and veteran health issues
- Veronica Valdez, a former special assistant to
both Navy and Air Force leadership, currently with
the Port of Seattle
- Debra Wada, a former assistant secretary of the
Army (Manpower & Reserve Affairs) and longtime
House Armed Services Committee staffer.
Voice of Revolution is a publication of the
U.S. Marxist-Leninist Organization.
March 20, 2003. Mass anti-war action as Australian
people reject U.S. imperialist aggression in Iraq
alongside people around the world.
Angus Campbell, chief of Australian Imperial
Defence Staff, is billed as a lead speaker by the
NATO-sponsored, U.S.-organized "Halifax" Imperial
Insecurity Forum. An official inquiry has just
confirmed Australian soldiers were involved in the
unlawful killing of dozens of Afghan civilians. It
found 25 special forces soldiers killed 39
civilians in practices known as "throwdowns,"
where concealable weapons were placed on the
bodies of those killed in order to photograph
evidence to justify the killings.
The "whistleblower," David McBride, former
soldier, has been charged with five offences
including theft of Commonwealth property and the
unauthorized disclosure of material to journalists
after leaking documents about the unlawful
killings of unarmed civilians in Afghanistan to
the Australian Broadcasting Corporation.
Australian academic Tim Anderson, commenting on
the matter offers the reminder that "as we
consider these shocking war crimes committed by
Australian forces, let's not forget Australian Air
Force participation in the massacre of more than
120 Syrian soldiers at Deir Ezzor in September
2016, to assist ISIS terrorists."
"NATO and Australia have been engaged in dialogue
and cooperation since 2005. Australia is one of a
range of countries beyond the Euro-Atlantic area
-- often referred to as 'partners across the
globe' -- with which NATO is strengthening
relations," according to NATO's website. In 2011
it agreed to host a base for U.S. Marines in
Darwin as part of Obama's "pivot to Asia." The
website further says that Australia "currently
provides support for NATO-led defence capacity
building efforts in Afghanistan and has committed
to supporting the new NATO Mission Iraq."
Without even the fig leaf of a resolution from
the UN Security Council, the Anglo-American
occupation of Afghanistan from 2001 to date set a
new low in all the norms of human conduct that now
pervades international relations. It signalled one
of the clearest markers of the terrible danger
that confronts humanity.
The war in Afghanistan was officially launched to
avenge the attacks of September 11, 2001. However,
it had been prepared beforehand. The war, which
was supposed to last two weeks, has been going on
for 19 years. It is planned to last as long as
possible.
Canadian Forces under the command of Gen Rick
Hillier were alleged to be involved in torture of
Afghan. Hillier infamously vilified Afghans as
"scumbags." To date this has been swept under the
rug. Hillier became Chief of Defence Staff and
then Chancellor of Memorial University in
Newfoundland (2008-2012).
The so-called Halifax International Security
Forum was inaugurated in 2009 by U.S. Secretary of
Defense Robert Gates. In the opening session,
then-Defence Minister Peter MacKay, sounding like
a yes-man, stated, "We take great pride in knowing
that Canadians' contribution to transatlantic
cooperation as a steadfast reliable friend and
ally is recognized." Gates lauded Canada as a
"major contributor" to the Afghan war, for helping
to "hold the line in the South before U.S.
reinforcements arrived." This followed the
celebrated mini-surge that began in the latter
days of the Bush administration, which was
subsequently bolstered by Obama's addition of
another 20,000 troops. In line with the
warmongering agenda of the conference, Hillier and
U.S. Senator McCain together advocated that "U.S.
President Obama send in thousands more troops to
establish security." Hillier avoided questions of
his personal responsibility for the alleged
torture of prisoners under his command.
Malalai Joya addresses 2009 rally
against Halifax International Security
Forum.
Gates further called in his speech on the Harper
government to now play a greater role in
"hemispheric security," i.e., Fortress America.
Thus, after a year of inflammatory statements
about Russian intentions in the Arctic -- which
followed hard on the heels of the 2008 "August
war" in Georgia -- and as part of the secret
deal-making, MacKay and Gates signed an agreement
on November 20, 2009 providing for the annual
participation of U.S. Marines in the Nanook war
games. This participation began in 2010, in the
name of "protecting Canadian sovereignty in the
Arctic" -- a peculiar concept of sovereignty! In
parallel, Canada began that year to deploy
warships to the Caribbean in the now annual "Op
Caribbe" deployment under control of U.S. Southcom
under the pretext of drug interdiction. In 2011,
Canada established a military base in Jamaica
where it began taking part in U.S.-led naval
exercises along with Mexico.
Malalai Joya, a former Afghan parliamentarian and
opponent of the occupation of her country,
addressed the rally against the War Conference,
and also spoke to a packed auditorium that night.
Ms Joya was refused entrance to the "security
forum."
Joya said, "Democracy never comes by war, by fire
of guns, by cluster bomb," pointing out that
thousands of innocent Afghan civilians were being
killed on the ground by terrorists and warlords,
and from the air, by the bombing of the NATO
occupying forces.
"Many of the weapons and bombs used in
Afghanistan, used against my people, are made in
Canada," Joya said to shouts of "shame" from the
protesters. "You have dropped two-thousand-pound
large, Canadian-made bombs in my hometown which
killed over 150 civilians, mainly women and
children."
Canada's Department of National Defence (DND) has
announced the creation of another warmongering
network of 18 universities whose main aim is to
mobilize "the best and the brightest" to take up
Canada's war aims. The Network for Strategic
Analysis (the "Network") is being launched as part
of Canada's "Mobilizing Insights in Defence and
Security (MINDS) programme." DND says it is the
very first fully bilingual MINDS network "that
will offer cutting-edge expertise in Canada's two
official languages." This is code for saying that
Quebec youth are to be targeted second to none.
The promotional
material states, "Our primary mission is to
mobilize Canadian and global expertise on three
strategic challenges for Canada:
- The evolving role of great powers in a shifting
world order (led by Jonathan Paquin, Laval
University);
- Multilateral cooperation in international
security (led by Sarah-Myriam Martin Brûlé,
Bishop's University);
- The future of defence capacity building for
global partners (led by Theodore McLauchlin,
University of Montreal)."
The three objectives the Network claims to
pursue "in this context," are:
"1. Mobilize -- in French and English --
innovative and multidisciplinary research in the
field of defence and security in order to develop
synergies and amplify the voice of experts;
"2. Disseminate the results of strategic analysis
to the Government of Canada, partner organizations
and the general public so as to inform political
decisions and public debate;
"3. Train the next generation of security and
defence experts by integrating students into the
development and dissemination of knowledge and
through the professional development of young
researchers, with a particular concern for equity,
diversity and inclusion."
The Network is co-directed by Justin Massie
(UQAM) and Stéfanie von Hlatky (Queen's
University). It claims to "bring together" "more
than 60 renowned scholars and seasoned
practitioners. In addition to its research
fellows, the Network mobilizes the expertise of
international collaborators, and is supported by a
Scientific Board and an Advisory Board."
Plenary Sessions (On-the-Record)
- Democracy vs. Ourselves: Divided We Fall
- China vs. Democracy: The Greatest Game
- Economic Depression: Democracies' Recession
- Clubs Med: The Scramble for Middle Earth
- Go Canada! Middle Powers Show the Way
- Space: Contested
- Years On: Re-Making The Democratic World Order
- After 2020: The World With America
Informal Sessions (Off-the-Record)
- Africa Matters
- Climate: Changed
- France, Freedom, Faith
- From Moscow to Minsk: Putin's Poison
- Himalayan Heat: Sino-Indian Friction
- Israel's New Friends
- Afghanistan's Final Piece
- Back: Nagorno-Karabakh
- Hong Kong's Present, Taiwan's Future
- London Outs, Brussels Pouts
- Maduro's Venezuela: A Rogues' Gallery
- Tide Power: Bay Of Fundy's Electric Waves
- Biden: His Time
- Post-Pandemic Precipice
- Racial Justice: When?
- Steal IP: Get Rich Quick
- TikTok, Tick Tock: Globalization Times Out
- Worthless Advice: The End Of Experts
The 2020 agenda of the Halifax International
Security Forum (HISF) gives pride of place to
speakers and war criminals representing the U.S.
military power: Secretary of State, Michael R.
Pompeo on his return from a tour of sabre-rattling
meetings in France, Turkey, Georgia, Israel, the
United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia;
General Mark Milley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs
of Staff; U.S. Navy Secretary Kenneth Braithwaite;
Admiral Philip Davidson, Commander of United
States Indo-Pacific Command based in Hawaii; and
General John Raymond, Chief of Space Operations,
U.S. Space Force, which represents "a new
operational domain."
Speakers from the NATO military bloc include
Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg; Stuart Peach,
Chairman of its Military Committee; Canada's
Minister of National Defence, Harjit Sajjan
speaking in the "Go Canada: Middle Powers Show the
Way" session; Kersti Kaljulaid, President,
Republic of Estonia; Artis Pabriks, Minister of
Defence, Latvia; Rajmund Andrzejczak, Chief of
Defense, Poland; Rob Bauer, Chief of Defence,
Netherlands Armed Forces; Liam Fox, former UK
Secretary of Defence and International Trade
Secretary until sacked in June 2019; Radmila
Shekerinska, Minister of Defense, North Macedonia;
and Angus Campbell, Chief of Defence, Australia.
Most of these countries share a border with Russia
and are occupied by NATO, US and Canadian combat
brigades and missile systems; North Macedonia is
being turned into a nerve centre for further
destabilizing the Balkans and splitting its
peoples on ethnic lines; and "out of area" partner
Australia is increasingly being involved in NATO,
expected to join in 2026.
Some 300 people are expected to participate in
this year's HISF, either in-person or virtually.
The U.S. Congressional delegation includes two
senators involved in the Biden presidency: Senator
Chris Coons (Delaware) and Jeanne Shaheen (New
Hampshire), members of Senate committees on
foreign relations and armed forces respectively.
Coons, who inherited Biden's seat in the Senate
and is a member of the Foreign Relations Committee
is reportedly a candidate for U.S. Secretary of
State. Coons is also a member of the Subcommittee
on Near Eastern and South and Central Asian
Affairs. In 2019, according to Kaiser Health News
which published "Pharma Cash To Congress," a
campaign contributions tracker, Coons had received
$549,000 since 2007 from big pharma.
Shaheen, a former governor of New Hampshire, was
invited to be vetted to be Biden's
vice-presidential candidate. She is a member of
three subcommittees of the Committee on Armed
Services including the Subcommittee on Seapower
which exercises congressional jurisdiction over
all U.S. Navy, Marine Corps, including
non-tactical air programs, and Naval Reserve
Forces. In 2018 Shaheen and Senator Thom Tillis
(R-NC) reformed the Senate North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) Observer Group, of which they
are co-chairs. It "has an expanded mission to
closely monitor and inform Senators outside of
national security committees about defence
spending commitments of Alliance members, the
process of upgrading military capabilities, the
Alliance's counter-terrorism capability, NATO
enlargement and the ability of NATO member states
to address non-conventional warfare." Senator
Coons is a member as is Senator John Barrasso
(R-WY), who is also at the HISF.
Liam Fox was the British Conservative Party
Secretary of State for International Trade until
he was sacked by the incoming prime minister Boris
Johnson in June 2019. He was first appointed to
the role in July 2016 by Prime Minister Theresa
May. The Guardian reported on December 21,
2017 that as International Trade Secretary, Fox
had said he would "personally lead on helping the
defence and security industries to export and will
be involved in the most significant global deals
across all sectors." Half of his new secondees in
the Department of International Trade had been
transferred from the private arms industry.
Fox was previously UK Defence Secretary from
2010-2011 but was forced to resign in October 2011
amid the controversy over his friend and
unofficial advisor businessman Adam Werritty
accompanying him on several trips to key UK arms
markets. Werrity did not work for the government
and had no security clearance to be involved in
ministerial business.
Fox is a member of Conservative Friends of Israel
and on the Executive Board of Atlantic Bridge
(Atlantik-Brücke). The latter was founded in 1952
with the aim of advancing cooperation between
Germany, Europe and America to promote
"multi-lateralism, open societies and free trade."
Its membership, by invitation only, is said to be
comprised of 500 "decision-makers from business,
politics, science and the media on both sides of
the Atlantic."
Fox participated in HISF 2010, 2011, 2112, all
expenses paid by Canadian tax dollars.
The 2020 HISF will also be attended by the
presidents of Brookings Institution, the McCain
Institute, the Stimson Centre, Freedom House, and
the Mexican Council on Foreign Relations; and
representatives of the International Republican
Institute and the National Democratic Institute,
Atlantic Council, Chatham House, Council on
Foreign Relations, Hoover Institute, Hudson
Institute, the neo-liberal New America Foundation
and several centres and foundations from Japan,
India, Germany, Poland, Slovakia, etc.
The Canadian involvement in the HISF now includes
the Munk School of Global Affairs at the
University of Toronto, Global Affairs Institute of
Canada at the University of Calgary and the Centre
of International Affairs at the University of
Ottawa, each of whom have representatives on the
HISF Agenda Working Group, as well as the Centre
for Foreign Policy Studies at Dalhousie
University, Acadia University and the Canadian
International Council.
The Halifax International Security Forum (HISF)
lists the following organizations as its
"partners":
- The Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency:
its stated goal is "to enhance the economy of
Atlantic Canadian communities through the
successful development of business and job
opportunities";
- The Department of National Defence: the
department bills itself with the Canadian Armed
Forces as "Canada's Defence Team" which together
it says "make up the largest federal government
department";
- The Halifax Canada Club.
The Halifax Canada Club is made up of the
following companies involved with military
organizations and war production, which the HISF
profiles as below:
- ATCO: a major contractor for the
Department of Defence and NATO, involved in
privatizing their bases in Afghanistan, Balkans
and Canada. Its website says, "For more than 70
years, ATCO has provided military support
services, shelter solutions, logistics and
energy services worldwide. As a company built
upon the belief that strong partnerships form
the basis of safe and prosperous communities,
ATCO supports the collaborative vision of Club
HFX."
- OYAK: "Established in 1961, OYAK (The
Armed Forces Pension Fund) serves as an
occupational and supplementary pension fund for
the members of the Turkish armed forces. With
investments, including multinational joint
ventures, in sectors such as steel, cement,
automotive, logistics, finance, energy and
chemicals, OYAK supports the mission of Club HFX
of securing our modern way of life through
strategic alliances among democracies." Turkey
is the third largest arms market for Canada.
- Çalik Holding: "Çalik
Holding, based in Turkey, carries out its
operations in energy, construction and real
estate, mining, textile, telecom, and finance
sectors. With the vision to add sustainable
values to the lives it touches, Çalik Holding
supports collaborative efforts of the HCC toward
global prosperity." Çalik Holding is also one of
the top foreign funders of NATO's political arm,
the Atlantic Council ($500,000-$999,999
category).
- Boeing: "Boeing is the world's
largest aerospace company and leading
manufacturer of commercial jetliners and
defense, space and security systems. As
America's biggest manufacturing exporter, the
company supports airlines and U.S. and allied
government customers in more than 150 countries.
Boeing products and tailored services include
commercial and military aircraft, satellites,
weapons, electronic and defense systems, launch
systems, advanced information and communication
systems, and performance-based logistics and
training."
The HISF is clearly an instrument of giant arms
and energy monopolies and oligopolies and
international finance capital involved in the
business of war, the most profitable business of
all. U.S. imperialist theft of social wealth from
the peoples of the world and its competition with
other big powers feed the war economy and in turn
generate increased instability, violence and war.
The initiative to involve monopolies and
corporate executives in the HISF as "partners" is
also in conformity with strategies elaborated in
the U.S. (such as in the Princeton Project on
National Security). The purpose is to "form elite
regional opinion" by bringing together "leading
thinkers" in academia, business and non-profit
sectors in countries targeted for annexation by
the United States, as well as the supranational
arms and energy monopolies, to work out how to
usurp control over the natural and human resources
and over the state itself.
- NATO: The North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) is listed under its
own heading that reads "With Support From." Its
entry on the HISF website says:
"The North Atlantic Treaty Organization's
fundamental purpose is to safeguard the freedom
and security of its members through political and
military means. NATO brings together 28 member
countries from Europe and North America,
consulting and cooperating in the fields of
security and defence. In this respect, NATO
provides a unique transatlantic link for political
and security cooperation."
In practice, the HISF is fully embroiled in
NATO's agenda and provides a venue for it to
promote its aggressive aims.
Media Partners
There are three U.S. publications/media
organizations which are involved in main projects
of the U.S. ruling circles to unite the vying
factions, especially the huge military bureaucracy
and moving more deeply into Canadian ruling
circles, while also keeping the people dispersed
and disempowered. The HISF describes them
collectively as "thought leaders," an elitist
concept that denies the movement for
enlightenment. Like the other HISF partners and
sponsors, the basis for the partnership is not
immediately clear.
- Foreign Affairs Magazine:
Its description on the HISF website says: "Since
its founding in 1922, Foreign Affairs has been the
leading forum for serious discussion of American
foreign policy and global affairs. It is published
by the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), a
non-profit and nonpartisan membership organization
dedicated to improving the understanding of U.S.
foreign policy and international affairs through
the free exchange of ideas."
CFR is a leading council that brings various
ruling factions together to work out relations.
It has been previously described as a veritable
shadow government that plans the general
strategies of the global imperialist system,
acting above any government.[1] The
CFR backed the presidential candidacy of
Joe Biden and champions the chorus against
China. The editor of Foreign Affairs, Gideon
Rose, formerly of the U.S. State Dept., is
participating in the 2020 HISF conference.
- POLITICO: This is a specialized U.S.
political news journal, which recently moved into
Canada with a subscription-based edition and a
free weekly newsletter Crossroads. This
company says it "strives to be the dominant source
for politics and policy in power centers across
every continent where access to reliable
information, non-partisan journalism and real-time
tools creates, informs and engages a global
citizenry." John Harris, Politico
Editor-in-Chief, is a member of the German
Marshall Fund of the United States (GMFUS) board
of trustees, original organizer of the HISF in
2009 and 2010 which followed on security
conferences the GMFUS had staged in European
countries targeted for U.S. influence operations,
such as in Kiev, Ukraine; Riga, Latvia; Bucharest,
Romania; and Istanbul, Turkey. It is hosting live
streaming of the HISF conference to its readers.
- Foreign Policy Magazine:
Although not listed on the HISF's "Partners and
Sponsors" page, it is listed on the "About" page
as a media partner. It is U.S. news publication
which focuses on global affairs, current events,
and domestic and international policy. It was
founded in 1970 during the turmoil of the Vietnam
War by the imperialist ideologue Samuel P.
Huntington of the "clash of civilizations" theory
and Warren Demian Manshel.
On February 26, Foreign Affairs and the
Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft
co-sponsored a conference to explore "A New Vision
for America in the World," describing it as "a
leadership forum on the future of U.S. foreign
policy and national security." Key topics
included: "Ending endless wars in the Middle East,
the impact of the Sino-American antagonism,
democratizing foreign policy, and international
cooperation in an era of American restraint." The
conference was funded by billionaires George
Soros, a big Clinton backer, and Charles Koch, a
Trump supporter, each of whom put up $500,000 to
finance the start-up of the Quincy Institute in
2019. Former CIA Director Gen. David Petraeus was
the big name draw for the conference. The roster
of speakers included Rosa Brooks, an HISF Fellow,
columnist for Foreign Policy, founder and
co-director of Georgetown Law's Program on
Innovative Policing and a Senior Fellow, New
American Foundation. Along with Tom Wright of the
Brookings Institution, she argued that the U.S.
troops in Iraq and Syria are really
"counter-terrorism operations" rather than "wars."
This is what the Biden Democrats mean by a "return
to normal," around which they hope to unify the
executive and military power. Brooks was Senior
Adviser to Michèle Flournoy, U.S. defense
undersecretary for policy from 2009 to 2011, now
Chief Executive Officer of the Center for a New
American Security, and expected to be Biden's
Defense Secretary (see article below).
Sponsors
- CAE: Formerly known as Canadian
Aviation Electronics, CAE is a global aerospace
monopoly and the only Canadian company listed in
the top 100 arms producers in the world, ranking
85th. It calls itself "a worldwide leader in
training for the civil aviation, defence and
security, and healthcare markets.
"Our vision is to be the recognized global
training partner of choice to enhance safety,
efficiency and readiness.
"Unmatched on a global scale, we continue to help
define worldwide training standards with our
innovative virtual-to-live training solutions to
make flying safer, maintain defence force
readiness and enhance patient safety."
- Pansophico: This company deals in arms
and security equipment for military and law
enforcement clients, among others. Its website
says, "Pansophico works exclusively with
democracies. We are dedicated to enhancing
national and international security through
strengthening democracies, building commercial
relations, bolstering military readiness, and
connecting key leaders and groups that protect and
strengthen democratic processes. Pansophico
supports the military and security readiness of
democracies by sourcing and providing access to
military and security hardware, technology,
concepts, and training. Building on 30 years of
substantive experience in international diplomacy,
military affairs, and intelligence, we are
experienced in identifying and finding the right
solution for every national security need.
"Our ethos IS democracy. Pansophico invests
profits from its commercial ventures back into
democracy-building entities. We financially
support key global institutions that build, guide,
and support global democracies. Our success in
turn contributes to building global democracy.
"Pansophico works hand-in-hand with global
democratic governments, identifying, sourcing, and
providing military and security materiel and
hardware through DCS [direct commercial sales]
transactions. With global reach, international
connectivity, and breadth of experience, our team
will help resolve the most sophisticated
challenges facing your team."
- Aerospace Industrial Development
Corporation (AIDC): This is a Taiwanese arms
company, originally founded in 1969 under the
authority of the Republic of China Air Force and
later privatized. AIDC is responsible for the
development of Taiwan's Indigenous Defense
Fighter, created when diplomatic agreements
between the U.S. and China prevented the sale of
U.S. fighters to Taiwan. AIDC is a partner of
Boeing. The presence of an arms manufacturer from
Taiwan -- a country frequently used as a cat's paw
by the U.S. imperialists in their dealings with
China -- at the HISF is in line with the war
conference's preoccupation with China as a
purported "threat to democracy."
- Konrad Adenauer Foundation: The website
of this German foundation says, "Nationally and
internationally, the Konrad Adenauer Foundation is
committed to achieving and maintaining peace,
freedom and justice through political education.
We promote and preserve free democracy, the social
market economy, and the development and
consolidation of the value consensus."
Regarding its name, the foundation says, "We are
proud to bear the name of Konrad Adenauer. The
first chancellor of the Federal Republic of
Germany's name and principles are our guidelines,
duty, and obligation."
As for Adenauer's principles, he was a noted
anti-communist; he opposed the post-war program of
denazification and instead introduced an amnesty
law for Nazis, to the benefit of nearly 800,000
war criminals; he advocated for West Germany's
membership in NATO and its alignment with the
Anglo-American imperialists in the Cold War.
- Ipsos: This French-owned polling
and marketing firm says of itself "In our world of
rapid change, the need for reliable information to
make confident decisions has never been greater."
It is a NATO contractor.
"At Ipsos we believe our clients need more than a
data supplier, they need a partner who can produce
accurate and relevant information and turn it into
actionable truth.
"This is why our passionately curious experts not
only provide the most precise measurement, but
shape it to provide True Understanding of Society,
Markets and People.
"To do this we use the best of science,
technology and know-how and apply the principles
of security, simplicity, speed and substance to
everything we do.
"So that our clients can act faster, smarter and
bolder."
Polling firms like Ipsos are more and more
discrediting themselves, as they do not assist the
polity to discuss and analyze important issues,
but present issues in a limited and prejudiced way
to serve establishment interests. A question that
arises is what is the role of a polling and public
relations firm like Ipsos at the HISF, when the
starting point for the majority of Canadians and
Quebeckers is to oppose imperialist war and
aggression. A November 13 article in the Ottawa
Citizen reported on plans by DND that "would
have allowed military public affairs officers to
use propaganda to change attitudes and behaviours
of Canadians as well as collect and analyze
information from the public's social media
accounts."
Note
1. Laurence H. Shoup
and William Minter, The
Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign
Relations and U.S. Foreign Policy, 1977.
TML Weekly is printing below in its
entirety an article entitled "How to Prevent War
in Asia" by Michèle A. Flournoy, published June
18, 2020 in Foreign Affairs Magazine by
the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations, on June 18,
2020. The article not only illustrates the U.S.
morbid preoccupation with defeat but also its
concern on how to re-establish the Cold War
doctrine of Deterrence. It serves to inform how
issues are being framed at the Halifax
International Security Forum.
The erosion of American deterrence raises the
risk of Chinese miscalculation, Fournoy argues.
She calls for defence officials "to accelerate
efforts to develop new operational concepts -- new
ways in which the military will fight" saying
"where there's a will there's a way."
Flournoy is being considered for Secretary of
Defense in Biden's administration. Born in 1960,
she got her BA at Harvard and MLitt at Balliol
College, Oxford. She served as Deputy Assistant
Secretary of Defense for Strategy under President
Bill Clinton and Under Secretary of Defense for
Policy under President Barack Obama, as well as a
principal advisor to U.S. Secretaries of Defense
Robert Gates and Leon Panetta from February 2009
to February 2012. During her tenure in the Clinton
administration, Flournoy was the principal author
of the May 1997 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR),
which advocated the unilateral use of military
power in defence of U.S. interests.
While serving in the Obama administration,
Flournoy crafted the administration's policy of
counter-insurgency in Afghanistan and helped
persuade President Obama to intervene militarily
in Libya. When the U.S. Senate confirmed her
nomination on February 9, 2009, she was at the
time the highest-ranking woman at the Pentagon in
the department's history.
In 2007, Flournoy co-founded the Center for a New
American Security, a for-profit Washington,
DC-based think tank that specializes in U.S.
national security issues. After leaving the Obama
White House, Flournoy joined the Boston Consulting
Group as a senior advisor, overseeing the
development of $32 million in military contracts.[1]
In 2018, she joined the board of Booz Allen
Hamilton, a publicly traded consulting firm with
military contracts and cyber security expertise.
She is currently the co-founder and managing
partner of WestExec Advisors,[2]
and a Senior Fellow at Harvard's Belfer Center for
Science and International Affairs. Her prominent
role in setting U.S. foreign policy will continue
in the Biden administration.
How to Prevent a War in Asia - Michèle A. Flournoy -
Amid all the uncertainty about the world that
will follow the pandemic, one thing is almost sure
to be true: tensions between the United States and
China will be even sharper than they were before
the coronavirus outbreak. The resurgence of
U.S.-Chinese competition poses a host of
challenges for policymakers -- related to trade
and economics, technology, global influence, and
more -- but none is more consequential than
reducing the risk of war. Unfortunately, thanks to
today's uniquely dangerous mix of growing Chinese
assertiveness and military strength and eroding
U.S. deterrence, that risk is higher than it has
been for decades, and it is growing.
Neither Washington nor Beijing seeks a military
conflict with the other. Chinese President Xi
Jinping and U.S. President Donald Trump both
undoubtedly understand that a war would be
disastrous. Yet the United States and China could
all too easily stumble into conflict, sparked by a
Chinese miscalculation of the United States'
willingness or capability to respond to
provocations in disputed areas such as the South
China Sea or to outright aggression against Taiwan
or another U.S. security partner in the region.
For the past two decades, the People's Liberation
Army (PLA) has been growing in size, capability,
and confidence. China is also emerging as a
serious competitor in a number of technological
areas that will ultimately determine military
advantage. At the same time, the credibility of
U.S. deterrence has been declining. For Beijing,
the 2008-09 financial crisis gave rise to an
enduring narrative of U.S. decline and Chinese
superiority that has been reinforced by
perceptions of U.S. withdrawal from the world --
as well as, more recently, by its perception of
bungled U.S. management of the pandemic and
societal upheaval over systemic racism.
What's more, Washington has not delivered on its
promised "pivot" to Asia. U.S. troop levels in the
region remain similar to what they were a decade
ago. The current administration discarded the
Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement its
predecessor had so painstakingly negotiated.
Senior diplomatic positions in the region remain
empty, and the United States is often
underrepresented or entirely AWOL from the
region's major diplomatic forums. There has been
no U.S. answer to Beijing's Belt and Road
Initiative, even as its influence expands through
Asia and well beyond. And Chinese activities in
the "gray zone," below the level of conflict --
such as building militarized "islands" and using
coercive measures to enforce disputed sovereignty
claims in the South China Sea -- have gone largely
unanswered by the United States beyond the
occasional diplomatic démarche or
freedom-of-navigation operation.
All of this spells trouble for deterrence. The
more confident China's leaders are in their own
capabilities and the more they doubt the
capabilities and resolve of the United States, the
greater the chance of miscalculation -- a
breakdown in deterrence that could bring direct
conflict between two nuclear powers. As tensions
continue to rise and Chinese assertiveness in the
region grows, it will take a concerted effort to
rebuild the credibility of U.S. deterrence in
order to reduce the risk of a war that neither
side seeks.
Declining Advantage, Increasing Risk
Since the 1991 Gulf War, the PLA has gone to
school on the American way of war and developed an
expanding set of asymmetric approaches to
undermine U.S. military strengths and exploit U.S.
vulnerabilities. Of greatest concern is the
substantial investment Beijing has made in
"anti-access/area-denial" (A2/AD) capabilities.
Ranging from persistent precision strikes on U.S.
logistics, forces, and bases to electronic,
kinetic, and cyber attacks on digital connections
and systems inside U.S. battle management
networks, these capabilities are designed to
prevent the United States from projecting military
power into East Asia in order to defend its
interests or allies. As a result, in the event
that conflict starts, the United States can no
longer expect to quickly achieve air, space, or
maritime superiority; the U.S. military would need
to fight to gain advantage, and then to keep it,
in the face of continuous efforts to disrupt and
degrade its battle management networks.
The Chinese military has also made rapid advances
in cyber- and artificial intelligence -- thanks to
China's massive theft of Western technology, state
support for its leading technology companies, and
doctrine of "civil-military fusion," which
requires that any commercial or academic
technological advancement with military
implications be shared with the PLA. Technological
investments have come along with doctrinal
innovations. Chinese military doctrine now holds
that the side that can make and execute
battlefield decisions most quickly will gain a
decisive advantage in any conflict. China's theory
of victory increasingly relies on "system
destruction warfare" -- crippling an adversary at
the outset of conflict, by deploying sophisticated
electronic warfare, counterspace, and
cyber-capabilities to disrupt what are known as
C4ISR networks (command, control, communications,
computers, intelligence, surveillance, and
reconnaissance), and thereby thwarting its power
projection and undermining its resolve. Among
other things, this means that the United States
can no longer assume that its satellites --
essential for navigation, communications, early
warning, targeting, and much more -- would escape
attack during a conflict. Given China's ability to
interfere with, spoof, damage, or destroy U.S.
satellites, Washington can no longer take space
for granted as an uncontested domain during war.
Deterrence could break down owing to either
strategic or tactical miscalculation.
The upshot of the developments is dangerous new
uncertainty about the U.S. ability to check
various Chinese moves, which could invite
risk-taking by Chinese leaders. Deterrence could
break down owing to either strategic or tactical
miscalculation. A strategic miscalculation might
involve Chinese leaders choosing to blockade or
attack Taiwan in the near term or midterm based on
a set of strongly held beliefs about the United
States as a declining power -- one racked by
internal political divisions, preoccupied with
domestic crises, no longer showing up in the
region diplomatically, lacking the military
capabilities that might be effective in the face
of A2/AD, and with an uncertain commitment to
defending Taiwan. They could conclude that China
should move on Taiwan sooner rather than later, a
fait accompli that a weakened and distracted
United States would have to accept.
Alternatively, a tactical miscalculation could
have strategic consequences. For example, Chinese
military planning for taking Taiwan by force
envisions early cyberattacks against the electric
power grids around key military bases in the
United States, to prevent the deployment of U.S.
forces to the region. But these same power grids
also support the surrounding civilian population,
including hospitals, emergency services, and other
functions critical to public safety. Any such
attack would have a high risk of killing American
citizens. So rather than deter U.S. action, the
envisioned cyberattacks could actually increase
the U.S. determination to respond.
Reestablishing Deterrence
To reestablish credible deterrence of China, the
United States must be able to prevent the success
of any act of military aggression by Beijing,
either by denying the PLA's ability to achieve its
aims or by imposing costs so great that Chinese
leaders ultimately decide that the act is not in
their interest. And Xi and his advisers must
believe that the United States has not just the
capability but also the resolve to carry through
on any deterrent threat it makes.
Given China's A2/AD networks and ability to field
a far larger force in its own backyard than the
United States can, U.S. policymakers need to start
thinking more creatively about how to shape
Beijing's calculus. For example, if the U.S.
military had the capability to credibly threaten
to sink all of China's military vessels,
submarines, and merchant ships in the South China
Sea within 72 hours, Chinese leaders might think
twice before, say, launching a blockade or
invasion of Taiwan; they would have to wonder
whether it was worth putting their entire fleet at
risk.
In part, the United States can develop such
approaches to deterrence by using existing
capabilities in new ways. Yet new capabilities
will also be necessary, and here especially, the
Pentagon's current efforts are lagging,
notwithstanding some promising exceptions. The
Defense Department continues to overinvest in
legacy platforms and weapons systems while
underinvesting in emerging technologies that will
determine who has the advantage in the future.
Although the Defense Innovation Unit, Special
Operations Command, and various military service
organizations are doing a good job of scouting for
new, transformative technologies, there is a
"valley of death" between demonstrating a
prototype of a new capability and getting it
produced at scale and into the hands of deployed
operators. And the Pentagon still lacks the tech
talent it needs -- at all levels, civilian and
military -- and has failed to give its acquisition
workforce the right incentives to adopt
cutting-edge technologies, such as artificial
intelligence and unmanned systems, rapidly and at
scale.
The Defense Department continues to underinvest
in technologies that will determine who has the
advantage in the future.
There are several steps that the Defense
Department can take to accelerate innovation in
service of deterrence. In the wake of the
pandemic, there will be substantial downward
pressure on defense spending, as other priorities
compete for funding. A flat or declining defense
budget will require making tough tradeoffs between
legacy programs, which alone are insufficient to
maintain the U.S. military's edge, and the new
capabilities that will ultimately determine
military success -- such as resilient battlefield
networks, artificial intelligence to support
faster decision-making, fleets of unmanned
systems, and hypersonic and long-range precision
missiles. Continuing to underinvest in these
emerging capabilities will ultimately have dire
costs for U.S. deterrence. For every existing
major program, both defense officials and Congress
need to ask whether buying one additional unit or
platform is really worth forgoing investment in
the new technologies and capabilities that are key
to making U.S. forces effective in a far more
contested and lethal environment. The secretary of
defense should press each service chief to
recommend tough choices, and Congress should back
up the Pentagon when it makes those choices.
The U.S. military also needs to adapt its own
overseas posture while shoring up the capabilities
of allies and partners. It should expect that
China will try to disrupt the U.S. ability to
reenforce forward forces from the outset of a
conflict, in all domains -- air, sea, undersea,
space, cyberspace. Accordingly, U.S. forces,
bases, logistics networks, and C4ISR networks must
be made more survivable and resilient. This will
require investments in stronger cyber- and missile
defenses; more geographically dispersed bases and
forces; more unmanned systems to augment manned
platforms; and resilient networks that can
continue to function under attack.
China's A2/AD capabilities can be thought of as
having different rings of threat intensity that
generally correspond to the first island chain
(the first arc of archipelagos east of the East
Asian continent, stretching from the Kuril
Islands, to Japan and Taiwan, and then to the
northern Philippines and Borneo) and the second
island chain (further to the east, formed by the
Bonin Islands, the Volcano Islands of Japan, and
the Mariana Islands) -- with anything inside the
inner ring highly vulnerable to Chinese attack,
and anything within and beyond the outer ring less
so. Beyond the outer ring, the United States will
likely want to maintain bases, fortified against
threats, for staging and logistics. But the
overall operating principle should be based on
"places, not bases": within the inner ring, the
military should increasingly rely on smaller, more
agile force packages such as submarines and
unmanned underwater vehicles, expeditionary air
units, and highly mobile marine or army units able
to move between austere, temporary bases in order
to complicate Chinese planning. Also essential
will be taking a more strategic approach to
security cooperation, assessing what each U.S.
ally and partner can contribute to deterrence and
developing multiyear security cooperation plans
for each.
The Pentagon will also need to implement a series
of acquisition, investment, and
workforce-development reforms. Acquisition
officials must be trained on best practices for
acquiring software and emerging technologies.
There must be more funding for turning successful
prototypes into successful programs. And to
bolster its tech workforce, the department should
work with Congress to expand programs that offer
scholarships or debt relief to students in a broad
array of tech fields in return for government
service and to recruit mid- and senior-level
talent by expanding fellowships for private-sector
technologists. For employees at all levels, it
needs to create opportunities for skill
development and viable career paths for technical
talent that allow for both promotion and continued
technical development, including through rotations
in the private sector.
Finally, defense officials need to accelerate
efforts to develop new operational concepts -- new
ways in which the military will fight -- in order
to clarify which capabilities will be essential,
or even game changing, and to accelerate their
acquisition and delivery into the hands of service
members in the field. There are ongoing efforts to
develop and test "joint" (that is, applicable
across the different military services)
operational concepts, such as Multi-Domain
Operations, as well as service-specific
operational concepts, which aim to erode the
adversary's advantage in various ways. Determining
which technologies will be essential to these will
require iterative, ongoing development and
experimentation -- with dedicated funding from
Congress.
Where There's a Will
Effective deterrence does not depend just on
Chinese leaders believing the United States has
the capability to thwart any act of aggression;
they must also believe it has the will to do so.
Today, Beijing has doubts on both scores.
Accordingly, along with investments in military
capabilities, Washington needs to clarify -- and
consistently demonstrate -- its commitment to the
Indo-Pacific region, making clear who and what it
is willing to defend. It must deploy more senior
officials and additional military forces to the
region, to underscore its enduring presence,
strengthen its relationships, and counterbalance
China's influence. It should conduct more regular
military exercises with allies and partners in the
region, both to demonstrate capabilities it has
already and to accelerate the development of new
ones.
Ultimately, competition with China is far more
than a military one, and its economic,
technological, political, and ideological elements
cannot be neglected. The most consequential thing
the United States can do is to invest in the
drivers of competitiveness at home -- especially
as it emerges from the current crisis. It is a
time for investments in everything from STEM and
higher education to critical technology and
twenty-first-century infrastructure, such as 5G.
It is also a time for restoring a smart
immigration policy, welcoming foreign-born talent
that poses no risks to national security and
encouraging it to stay and build innovative
enterprises in the United States.
Competition with China is far more than a
military one.
The United States should also leverage its unique
advantage of having an unrivaled network of allies
and partners around the world. The best way to
deal with the challenges China poses, be they
unfair trade practices or orchestrated
disinformation campaigns, is by making common
cause with allies and partners whenever possible,
confronting violations of the rules-based order as
a coalition of like-minded states committed to a
shared set of norms. The United States should work
closely with its allies and partners to make a
clear-eyed assessment of what each country can
contribute to stabilizing the region and deterring
increasingly aggressive behavior. This will also
require reassuring them in words and deeds that
they can count on the United States to have their
backs in disputes with Beijing and ultimately to
help defend them against gray-zone coercion or
outright attacks.
Washington should spell out to countries in the
region the stark contrast between what
international rules and norms shaped by Beijing
would look like and those the region has enjoyed
to date -- especially when it comes to enduring
norms such as the freedom of navigation and
peaceful resolution of disputes. In an Asia
dominated by an authoritarian, revisionist China,
ships that today can freely navigate the seas
would be vulnerable to possible harassment.
Decisions taken today by independent governments
could increasingly fall prey to coercion. And
failure to resist these coercive measures would,
in turn, limit the collective ability of the
United States and its allies to deter aggression
or, if aggression takes place, to reverse it.
Yet even as it strengthens its capacity to deter
China, Washington must also reopen a sustained
high-level strategic dialogue with Beijing -- a
practice that every administration since Richard
Nixon's has adopted, until the current one.
Reestablishing a forum in which China and the
United States could regularly discuss their
respective interests and perspectives, identify
areas of potential cooperation (such as
nonproliferation and climate change), and manage
their differences short of conflict is essential;
tactical discussions on trade issues are simply
not enough. After all, deterrence depends on the
clear and consistent communication of interests
and intent in order to minimize the risk of
miscalculation. Given Beijing's assumption that
the United States is preoccupied and in decline,
Chinese leaders' propensity to test the limits in
areas such as Taiwan or the South China Sea, and
the faulty, potentially escalatory assumptions
embedded in Chinese military doctrine, such a
dialogue cannot come too soon.
TML Notes
1. Boston
Consulting Group: In July 2020, American
Prospect journalist Jonathan Guyer
reported in "How Biden's Foreign Policy Team Got
Rich," that under Flournoy's direction the
Boston Consulting Group's military contracts
went "from $1.6 million in 2013 to $3 million in
2016."
2. WestExec
Advisors "is a strategic advisory firm for
international companies and financial
institutions addressing geopolitical factors
that affect their business strategy and
investment portfolios.
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