January 11, 2020. Halifax anti-war rally against
U.S. imperialist aggression against Iran.
The Halifax International Security Forum (HISF),
convoked November 20-22 in Halifax, is, in its own
words, "the first major gathering of defence and
security leaders since the United States
presidential election." To its chagrin, the U.S.
presidential election is not yet concluded. Only
some 20 countries have recognized Biden as the new
president of the United States, others are
awaiting some sort of a formal announcement by an
electoral commission of some sort. However, the
U.S. institutions are mired in such crisis that
they cannot decide who and what constitute that
authority.
Thus, far from the U.S. election opening a clean
line of march for the warmongers gathered in
Halifax, the dysfunctional U.S. democratic
institutions are impossible for the HISF to
surmount. From the get-go, the agenda of the HISF,
based on the pretense that adopting good policies
will get them out of the profound crisis they are
stuck in, is mired in crisis.
Attempts to blame
this or that individual for the crisis are not
convincing. The crisis cannot be surmounted
because the imperialists cannot surmount the
conditions which have far surpassed their ability
to control everything through their monopoly on
the use of force. The HISF agenda speaks to
problems the rulers are facing in deciding how to
maintain the U.S.'s role as "indispensable
leader." This is indicated in three main public
sessions: "Democracy vs. Ourselves: Divided We
Fall," "75 Years On: Re-Making The Democratic
World Order," and "After 2020: The World With
America."
The agenda betrays the increasingly grave
problems of the ruling circles which are stuck
with old forms that are anachronistic and do not
suit their purpose today. Their model of
nation-state was first established after the
English civil war in the 1660s, perfected and
imposed on the world in the form of liberal
democratic states in the 19th and early 20th
centuries, based on self-serving definitions of
"peace, order and good government," then
bolstered after the Second World War in the
form of the social-welfare
state based on
anti-communist Cold War ideology and
mechanisms and to keep the people
disinformed and disempowered. Since the
fall of the Soviet Union 30 years ago, far
from this imperialist democracy proving its
superiority, it has shown its elitist,
racist and fundamentally inhuman essence and
inability to provide any justification for
itself and its monopoly over the use of
force, both domestically and
internationally.
Intensifying conflicts among rival factions vying
for power both internally over control of
executive powers and the military, as well as
internationally and especially within the NATO
bloc itself, are giving rise to ever more dire
expressions of a morbid preoccupation with defeat.
Their desperation is palpable as they plot and
scheme how to train women and youth to take over
the functions of the bureaucracy to keep it going
while also keeping the peoples dispersed and
disempowered. Despite talk of finding
peaceful solutions to problems, and ending the
"endless war" scenario -- or keeping it under
the hoax that it constitutes legitimate "robust
anti-terrrorist" methods -- this fight is not
about eliminating the war governments and war
economies and all this means at home and abroad.
Canadians are
demanding that Canada get out of NATO and NORAD as
the very basis for a new direction for foreign
relations, and for an economy founded in
self-reliance and public enterprise to guarantee
the rights of all. All attempts to impose NATO on
the polity as a "Canadian value" and, even more,
an integral part of the decision-making
institutions, is against what Canadians want. To
criminalize their opposition under the hoax that
it is "foreign interference" shows how desperate
the rulers are because no argument they come up
with can justify their war economy and
arrangements. Despite attempts by the NATO
Association of Canada, echoed by the Parliament of
Canada, to impose the view that opposition to NATO
by Canadians amounts to foreign interference in
Canada's internal affairs, this is not accepted.
The criminalization of people's perceptions and
voice by declaring them to be, willingly or
unwillingly, "dupes of Russia," or "Chinese
agents," and the like, will merely deepen the
crisis they are in.
The spectre of China is once again in the
crosshairs of the HISF as a tool to this end. It
is beneath contempt. In conformity with its
ballyhooed initiative to present a concerted,
strategic trans-Atlantic plan against China and
the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the
lead topic of the sessions to be broadcast is
"Democracy vs. China: The Greatest Game." This
deliberately invokes the 19th century Eurocentric
striving of Anglo-American imperialism called "the
Great Game" -- to dominate Asia, its peoples and
vast mineral wealth -- and "white man's burden."
It merely reveals how bankrupt they are because
this is the 21st century, not the 19th century and
China has long since stood up. Try as the U.S.
imperialists and their henchmen might, they cannot
escape history and the peoples will not accept
force and violence as the method of sorting out
problems in favour of rival imperialist interests.
November 2009. Tony Seed addresses first anti-war
rally outside the Halifax International Security
Forum. Rallies have been held yearly since the
forums began.
One of the important questions being discussed at
the HISF and within the ruling circles concerns a
narrative of "endless wars," also known as
"forever wars." It is not an end to aggression and
interference, rather a different form for it. Both
Biden and Trump spoke demagogically against
"endless wars" in the U.S. election. The Trump
path of open destruction, use of force and
elimination of rule of law, failed to succeed in
uniting the vying factions, including the
military. The Biden team, as with Obama who
followed Bush's War on Terror and pre-emptive war
based on "good versus evil" with his own doctrine
of drone warfare, needs a legal and theoretical
framework to justify what cannot be justified.
This is Canada's endeavour as well: to justify in
law the open violation of rights, which the U.S.
Empire routinely practices.
The Biden phantasm also haunts the Trudeau
government: to transcend the conditions by
imposing an authority which is not on par with the
needs of the times. They need a justification to
quell the mounting domestic unrest and unify the
rival factions in the U.S. ruling elite and also
the "allies" of the NATO bloc, which are split and
fragmented based on their own private interests.
There is no consensus over U.S. demands to
increase military spending, safeguard U.S.
hegemony, perpetuate Cold War notions of
"collective security" and "trans-Atlantic
partnership." Their coerced "coalition of the
willing" comprised of a mere 30 countries of the
193 member nations of the United Nations is not
gaining traction but is, on the contrary,
increasingly isolated and opposed. At a moment
when the Group of 77 and the Non-Aligned Movement
operate within the bounds of the United Nations
and the rule of international law as established
in the post-World War II period and NATO does not,
the conflicts are bound to increase. NATO is a
rogue military alliance that flouts the rule of
international law but whose aggressive activities
are opposed by a majority of the world's peoples,
who decry it as the "North Atlantic Terrorist
Organization."
TML Weekly is carrying a supplement this
week with informative material on the agenda of
the 12th Halifax International Insecurity Forum.
The Liberal Government has introduced new
privacy legislation, Bill C-11, entitled the Digital
Charter Implementation Act, 2020. Minister
of Innovation, Science and Industry Navdeep Bains
tabled the legislation on November 17. At a press
conference the same day, Bains said the
legislation will give Canadians the privacy
protection they need as big data is increasingly
being used in all sectors of the economy. "We must
find a way to protect that data, while still being
open to the economic opportunities of a
data-driven world," he told reporters.
Bill C-11 enacts
the Consumer Privacy Protection Act and
the Personal Information and Data Protection
Tribunal Act, along with consequential and
related amendments to other acts. The long title
of the Consumer Privacy Protection Act,
Part 1 of Bill C-11, confirms an orientation which
puts private economic interests in the first
place: An
Act to support and promote electronic commerce
by protecting personal information that is
collected, used or disclosed in the course of
commercial activities.
The use of the term "charter" in Bill C-11[1] serves merely
to obfuscate and create the impression that the
legislation has something to do with the
entrenchment of rights that would allow people to
exercise control over how their personal
information is used in an era where big data is
routinely referred to as the "new oil" of the
economy.
Currently, the collection, use and sharing of
personal data is governed by two laws. The Personal
Information Protection and Electronic Documents
Act (PIPEDA) applies to commercial
activities. The Privacy Act applies to
governmental and public sector institutions.
In brief, Bill C-11 repeals
the 20-year old PIPEDA and replaces it with The Consumer
Privacy Protection Act. A problem with
the limited application of PIPEDA to commercial
activities is that political parties are not
covered. This is the case even though they are
entitled to receive the Elections Canada
register of electors, including each elector's
unique identifier number, which they use as the
base for compiling voter profiles, adding
information from various sources. They receive
from Elections Canada as well a digital list of
who has voted. The cartel
parties keep huge databases on electors which
also are not subject to privacy legislation.
In this regard, the
legislation has a new provision enabling
organizations not involved in commercial
activities to apply for certification of their
privacy practices. This may be a Liberal attempt
to circumvent the broadly supported demand that
political parties be brought under the
jurisdiction of privacy laws.[2] It is too soon
to tell.
Bill C-11 mirrors PIPEDA but includes new
provisions that capture technological developments
of the past two decades, such as the practice of
"de-identification" in the use of artificial
intelligence.[3]
As for law enforcement, Bill C-11 expands the
powers of the Office of the Privacy Commissioner
to issue compliance orders, including ordering a
company to stop gathering data. It empowers the
Office of the Privacy Commissioner to conduct
audits. The Commissioner will also be empowered to
recommend significant monetary penalties in cases
of non-compliance, but not to impose them. That
matter will be decided by a new Personal
Information and Data Protection Tribunal, set out
in Part 2 of Bill C-11. The Tribunal, comprised of
three to six individuals appointed by the
government, will be the decision-making body on
matters of punishment and will also hear appeals
of any orders issued by the Privacy Commissioner.
Bill C-11 is long and complex. Websites of legal
firms specialized in the field of privacy law are
abuzz with first-round interpretations of the law.
Michael Geist, author of Law, Privacy and
Surveillance in Canada in the Post-Snowden Era,
says the legislation "will require considerable
study to fully understand the implications of the
new rules." Others were quick to criticize it,
particularly the many provisions that remove the
requirement for informed consent.
On November 17, the Public Interest Advocacy
Centre issued a statement calling for it to be
withdrawn and rewritten "to protect consumers, not
to favour big business." Executive Director John
Lawford stated, "We are aghast that the federal
government feels it can weaken consumer privacy
with a doublespeak Bill that removes a consumer's
right to protect his or her personal information
that is used for any 'business activity' if it is
'de-identified' or used for what the government
deems is a 'socially beneficial purpose.'"
Response of the Privacy Commissioner
While Bill C-11 enhances the Privacy
Commissioner's powers to monitor and protect the
privacy of Canadians, the drafting of the
legislation reveals a contemptuous disregard for
the expertise and authority of the Office. A mere
five days before the tabling of the legislation,
Privacy Commissioner Daniel Therrien issued
recommendations on how the use of artificial
intelligence should be regulated, emphasizing the
need for a "human-rights centred approach." It is
clear that recommendations issued on November 12,
could not have been taken into consideration by
the Liberal Government, and why it would draft
legislation without receiving the Commissioner's
input is troublesome. There is no legal
requirement for the government to either listen
to, or to seek the input of the Privacy
Commissioner who is appointed by and accountable
to Parliament. Nonetheless, its decision to pay no
heed to the Commissioner speaks volumes about the
takeover of government by private interests.
Privacy Commissioner Therrien issued a statement
on Bill C-11 on November 19, in which he welcomes
some of the improvements in the draft legislation
and identifies some problems. He raises concerns
about the imposition of penalties falling under
the responsibility of a new Tribunal and the
appeal mechanism it provides. "We believe citizens
should have access to quick and effective
remedies. We are examining whether the addition of
a new structure is likely to achieve this result,"
he states.
The Privacy Commissioner continues: "That being
said, new enforcement powers are only a means, a
tool by which to enforce the law. In the case at
hand, the primary role of the legislation is to
enact standards and rules that effectively protect
privacy while permitting and encouraging
commercial activities.
"We have previously recommended that the law
should permit the use of personal information for
responsible innovation and socially beneficial
uses, which is consistent with the Bill, but within
a legal framework (emphasis in original)
that would entrench privacy as a human right and
as an essential element for the exercise of other
fundamental rights.
"Bill C-11 opens the door to new commercial uses
of personal information without consent, but does
not specify that such uses are conditional on
privacy rights being respected. Rather, the Bill
essentially repeats the purpose clause of the
current legislation, which gives equal weight to
privacy and the commercial interests of
organizations. In fact, the new purpose clause[4] places even
greater emphasis on the importance of the use of
personal information for economic activity.
"The government
states its refusal to adopt a rights-based
approach is based on constitutional grounds. It
says only the provinces have jurisdiction to
legislate civil rights matters and the federal
Parliament's jurisdiction is limited to trade and
commerce. We will examine this issue further
before presenting our views to the parliamentary
committee that will study the Bill. As the Supreme
Court of Canada pointed out in a recent judgment
on the constitutionality of the Genetic
Non-Discrimination Act, privacy is of vital
interest. It is validly subject to protections in
several federal statutes made under one or another
of the heads of power of Parliament. This should
also apply to the Consumer Privacy Protection
Act, enacted under the trade and commerce
powers of Parliament.
"Ultimately, it is up to Parliament to decide how
much weight to give to privacy rights and the
interests of commercial enterprises. In our view,
it would be normal and fair for commercial
activities to be permitted within a rights
framework, rather than placing rights and
commercial interests on the same footing.
Generally, it is possible to concurrently achieve
both commercial objectives and privacy protection.
This is how we envision responsible innovation.
However, where there is a conflict, we think that
rights should prevail.
"In the coming weeks, our work in analyzing the
government's legislative proposals will therefore
seek, among other things, to identify possible
amendments to better promote responsible
innovation while respecting rights, including the
right to privacy."
Notes
1. The Digital
Charter was announced by Justin Trudeau
during a keynote speech at the May 2019 VivaTech
Conference in Paris, France. VivaTech is
described as "an event bringing together the
world's leaders in technology and
business."
The Oxford
Dictionary provides several definitions
for "charter." The first is "a written grant by
the sovereign or legislative power of a country,
by which a body such as a city, company or
university is founded or its rights and
privileges defined." It also can mean "a written
statement of the rights of a specified group of
people," such as a charter for patients' rights.
Finally, Oxford says it can also mean "A policy
or law regarded as enabling people to engage
more easily in a specified undesirable
activity," with the illustrative sentence, "He
described the act as a charter for vandals."
2. The fact that
Canadians do not agree with political parties
being exempt from privacy legislation has been
repeatedly raised over the past fifteen
years, particularly since the 2011 Robocall
Voter Suppression Scandal when it was revealed
that operatives of the Conservative Party had
used the information compiled about voters to
misdirect them to phony voting places. Even
before that, in a survey commissioned by the
Office of the Privacy Commissioner of Canada in
2009, an overwhelming majority of Canadians (92
per cent) said that political parties and
politicians should be subjected to legislation
that sets out rules governing how they collect
and handle the personal information of Canadian
citizens. Every privacy commissioner across
Canada, as well as the current and past chief
electoral officers have called for political
parties to be covered by PIPEDA.
3. De-identification
removes identifying
information from a dataset
so that data cannot be
linked with specific individuals. De-identification
can reduce the privacy risk associated
with collecting,
processing, archiving, distributing or
publishing information. De-identification
is thus said
to balance the contradictory goals of
using and sharing
personal information
while protecting privacy.
4. The Purpose
Clause of the Consumer Privacy Protection
Act states: "The purpose of this Act is to
establish -- in an era in which data is
constantly flowing across borders and
geographical boundaries and significant economic
activity relies on the analysis, circulation and
exchange of personal information -- rules to
govern the protection of personal information in
a manner that recognizes the right of privacy of
individuals with respect to their personal
information and the need of organizations to
collect, use or disclose personal information
for purposes that a reasonable person would
consider appropriate in the circumstances."
November 12, 2020. Nurses in San Francisco demand
safe staffing levels and conditions of work they
require.
The continuing clash in the United States over
the results of the presidential election, in the
face of COVID-19 cases surging across the country,
has only further confirmed the sentiment among the
people that the country is headed in the wrong
direction and those in government, at all levels,
are unfit to govern. Health care workers and
other first responders and essential workers still
do not have sufficient personal protective
equipment (PPE) and testing. For example, nurses
in Minnesota caring for COVID-19 patients say they
have not been tested since the pandemic began.
Firefighters and teachers are sleeping in their
cars so as not to infect their families. It is
commonly felt and spoken of that what is occurring
is criminal and government must be held
accountable -- for all the deaths and for not
guaranteeing free PPE, testing, and health care
for all in need.
There are 11.4
million diagnosed cases and growing, approximately
one out of every 32 people. Already 250,000 people
have died and it is likely to reach 300,000 in the
next two months.
The U.S. has consistently had the most cases and
most deaths of anywhere in the world. The daily
average number of new cases currently stands at
more than 158,000 -- far more cases every day than
reported in total in China (91,906), which has a
far larger population. One million new cases
occurred in just the past week.
To visualize 250,000 deaths, consider the entire
population dead in cities of that size, such as
Rochester, New York; Norfolk, Virginia;
Birmingham, Alabama; Baton Rouge, Louisiana;
Irving, Texas; Grand Rapids, Michigan; Des Moines,
Iowa; Spokane, Washington.
Despite this reality, while it is generally
accepted that Joe Biden won the presidential
election, the clash persists among the rulers over
controlling the reins of power of the presidency.
This is reflected in the ongoing lawsuits and
contention for a "peaceful transition" from Trump
to Biden.
Trump has filed about 30 lawsuits at this point,
with most dismissed, but others could potentially
prevent Biden from keeping the 270 Electoral
College (EC) votes needed for election. If rulings
are made to not certify elections in Pennsylvania
(20 EC votes) and Michigan or Georgia (each with
16 EC votes), or Nevada (6 EC votes) for example,
Biden would not have the 270 Electoral College
votes needed. Such rulings could be made by the
Supreme Court. If no candidate secures 270 EC
votes, the House of Representatives would decide,
possibly in Trump's favour as each state gets only
one vote. Or if the 600,000 workers who have
called for a general strike consider such a ruling
or House decision illegitimate, they could act and
be joined by millions of others -- something all
the rulers want to avoid. The clash then is
further deepening their crisis, including
strengthening the resistance and its demand for a
democracy that favours the people.
November 18, 2020. Airline workers take action for
measures required for a safe workplace.
"Peaceful Transition"
Biden has increased his calls for Trump to
cooperate with the transition. On November 18 he
said of Trump "It's just outrageous what he's
doing." Biden has not ruled out legal action.
Reflecting the politicization of cabinet
agencies, Attorney General William Barr, head of
the Justice Department (DoJ) sent a memo
authorizing any federal prosecutor to investigate
allegations of election fraud prior to state
certification as another means to delay that
process. Richard Pilger, the leader of the
election crimes division for the DoJ immediately
resigned and denounced Barr's action. Sixteen
prosecutors from that division, responsible for
enforcing federal voting laws, called on Barr to
rescind the memo. They said it was not based on
fact and "thrusts career prosecutors into partisan
politics." As is more broadly the case, the
conflict reflects divisions within and between the
various cabinet-level agencies making up the
Office of the President. Governing arrangements
are being restructured to strengthen dictate from
the top and politicizing them serves this.
A current focus is also on the General Services
Administration (GSA), which has to "ascertain" a
victor. The GSA has so far refused to do so,
blocking millions in resources and joint meetings
between the Trump and Biden forces. Two main
concerns raised by Biden and others is access to
the presidential briefings that deal with security
issues both foreign and domestic, as well as
COVID-19 information, including current levels of
federal stockpiles of PPE and plans for
distribution of a vaccine. Biden has repeated,
"More people may die if we don't coordinate."
The transition process involves both providing
continuity for rule by the oligarchs as well as
putting Biden's stamp on the bureaucracy. It
includes replacing some 4,000 political
appointees, 1,200 of which require Senate
approval, in about 40 agencies in the Office of
the President. It involves announcing new cabinet
heads as well as "trading binders, doing
briefings, and having meetings" with mid-level
staff of both. The departments and agencies
involved oversee the federal coronavirus pandemic
response, military, homeland security and other
national security forces, social services,
including health care and education, trade,
finances, labour, etc. Biden has assembled a team
of 500 "agency review teams" to oversee transition
on all these fronts but they are unable to
proceed.
Continuity also involves maintaining U.S.
standing in the world, something that the clash
has also undermined. While many countries have
congratulated Biden, with Canada the first to do
so, along with others like Britain, France,
Germany, Japan, South Korea, Australia and Israel,
others like Russia, Brazil and Mexico have not.
China initially did not then, on November 13,
congratulated Biden but included the qualifier
that the election "result will be confirmed
according to U.S. laws and procedures."
Further delegitimizing the election, Trump's
Secretary of State Pompeo said November 10 there
would be a "smooth transition" to another
four-year Trump administration. He was sent
November 13 to speak with seven countries that had
recognized Biden's victory: France, Turkey,
Georgia, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar,
and Saudi Arabia.
The concern about "peaceful transition" stems
from the fact that U.S. institutions of democracy
are dysfunctional and fail to resolve differences
among the rulers which jeopardizes attempts to
make them appear to be legitimate in the eyes of
the people. This is further evident in the
growing possibility of a government shutdown if an
emergency spending bill is not passed by December
11. As well, tens of millions of workers will lose
extended unemployment benefits at the end of
December, with additional federal funding nowhere
in sight. If there is a vaccine, states need at
least $6 billion in federal funding to distribute
it. Not a few are also worried that the vaccine
will be mandatory and the military responsible for
enforcing that.
However people may have voted, or not voted,
large numbers no longer consider the government
legitimate, especially when it comes to meeting
the needs of the people for COVID-19 and use of
force, at home and abroad. The use of violence in
cities across the country -- by state and local
police, by Immigration and Customs Enforcement and
other federal forces -- has been broadly and
repeatedly condemned. The large majority also
support an end to U.S. wars and use of violence
against the peoples worldwide.
A "peaceful transition" is said to be a
hallmark of U.S.-style democracy and proof that
the U.S. Constitution provides governments with
legitimacy. The concern is such that U.S. Chamber
of Commerce President and CEO Tom Donohue,
National Association of Manufacturers President
and CEO Jay Timmons, and the Business Roundtable
for CEOs trade group President and CEO Joshua
Bolten have all said it is time for the transition
process to move forward.
Referring to Trump's failure to permit the
transition process to proceed, Barack Obama
said, "But there's damage to this because
what happens is that the peaceful transfer of
power, the notion that any of us who attain an
elected office, whether it's dogcatcher or
president, are servants of the people. It's a
temporary job. We're not above the rules. We're
not above the law. That's the essence of our
democracy."
All are concerned to hide the actual situation
today, that the notion of public and elected
officials as "servants of the people" has been
eliminated right alongside following rules and
laws. The oligarchs that have seized the state
machinery exclusively for their own interests do
not want to be fettered by rules, laws or serving
the public interest.
The vying factions among the rulers no longer
follow any rules, as the clash shows. Perhaps more
importantly, the utter lawlessness of U.S.
policing and military forces is evident for all to
see here and worldwide. Obama and his illegal
drone warfare and role as Deporter-in-Chief,
separating millions of families, showed this and
Trump followed suit by even further eliminating
any rule of law here or abroad. The failure to
follow rules for the transition is consistent with
this.
The continuing clash is evidence of the
dysfunction and the desperate attempt by the
rulers to overcome their sharpening divisions in a
situation where they no longer have mechanisms and
structures to do so. Biden's calls for unity,
repeating "We have to come together as a country,"
remain futile as a result.
What is being revealed is that U.S.-style
democracy is exhausted and unfit for the modern
age. Its legitimacy, particularly using elections,
is in shambles whatever the result of the
transition. In some respects it can be said that
the people, through their organized resistance and
demand to play their role in deciding and solving
the problems facing humanity are coming forward to
fill the breach left by a dysfunctional and
violent government. They are acting to keep
initiative in their hands and advance their fight
for rights and people's empowerment as necessary
to secure them.
As the U.S. election drama continues to unfold,
President Trump and various Republican forces have
filed about 30 lawsuits so far and more are
possible. Most have been dismissed, many for lack
of evidence of fraud, but others are still
pending. The more significant among these are the
efforts to block certification of the vote in
Pennsylvania, Michigan, Georgia, and Nevada. If
Trump were to succeed in blocking certification in
Pennsylvania and Michigan and one of the other
two, Biden would not have the 270 Electoral
College votes necessary for election. The main aim
is not changing the vote count, but in blocking
certification and pushing Biden below 270, which
would mean the House of Representatives would
decide the presidency. In that vote, each state
gets one vote and currently 27 states have a
majority of Republicans in the delegation. However
that could change when all results are in for
House elections.
Besides the issuance of an injunction, one result
of each of the lawsuits could have been to block
certification of the voting results in a given
state by causing enough delay so as to prevent
certification in the state by the date required by
state law. However, the results were already
certified in Georgia, where the deadline was
November 20. Certification is expected in
Michigan and Pennsylvania, both states where the
deadline is Monday, November 23. The county
results were already certified in Nevada on
November 16 and the statewide results will be
certified on November 24.
In Arizona, where the deadline is the 23rd, the
Republican Party called for a broader audit of
votes beyond Maricopa County, which includes
Phoenix. Such an audit would delay certification.
An Arizona state judge threw out the lawsuit with
prejudice, meaning there can be no appeal. He also
denied the party's request for an injunction to
block Maricopa County from certifying its election
results. This effectively removed Arizona as an
arena for decertification.
Georgia
Georgia completed a hand recount that gave Biden
the most votes by 12,780 out of 5 million cast.
The Georgia Secretary of State, Brad
Raffensperger, a Republican, has repeatedly said
the count is valid and there was no fraud. He
ordered the recount to counter Trump claims that
the election was not conducted fairly.
Raffensperger certified the election results on
November 20 and Governor Brian Kemp then approved
the slate of electors for Biden November 21. This
then complicates Trump's efforts as he will need
more than decertification of Michigan and
Pennsylvania to put Biden below the 270 mark
needed for election. With Georgia, Biden now has
306 Electoral College votes and losing Michigan
and Pennsylvania would still put him at 270.
Michigan
Michigan is required to certify by November 23.
Already, the certification process is showing that
the structure is designed to leave the decision in
the hands of a few people from the cartel parties.
Each county has a Board of Canvassers, commonly
made up of 4 people, two Republican and two
Democrats. They vote at the county level and their
results are sent to the State Board of Canvassers,
also four people, two from each party, which
certifies the state vote.
When the time came for Wayne County, which
includes Detroit, to certify, there was at first a
2-2 vote with Republicans saying there were
irregularities in Detroit. The city is about 80
percent African American. There was then
"discussion" among them and a second vote taken
and Wayne County certified 4-0. Afterward the two
Republicans said they wanted to rescind their vote
in favor of certification, but no mechanism exists
to do so.
However, the Trump forces had filed a federal
lawsuit calling to block certification based on
irregularities, Detroit being one of the places
given. They have since withdrawn the suit, saying
affidavits from the two Republicans rescinding
their vote showed they had won. This then prevents
a court ruling while also positioning them to have
a new lawsuit, one that could go to the Supreme
Court, if the State Board certifies the vote. It
also provides Republicans on the State Board
ammunition not to certify. In this manner the
control by this handful of people and the partisan
nature of the decisions is evident.
Pennsylvania
For Pennsylvania two federal lawsuits could go to
the Supreme Court. One involves the decision by
the state Secretary of State to extend the
deadline for receiving mail-in ballots from
Election Day November 3 to November 6. Supreme
Court Justice Alito has already said it is a case
worth review by the Court and that the decision by
the Secretary of State, rather than the state
legislature, could be unconstitutional. Such a
ruling could impact Michigan and Wisconsin as
well. So far the Supreme Court has not agreed to
hear the case.
A second lawsuit involves directly preventing
certification of the vote. Trump is saying that
the entire process was unconstitutional as a
result of a broad array of irregularities. These
include that mail ballots were illegally counted
and that voters were improperly allowed to fix
defective ballots, meaning perhaps a signature was
missing or an inside envelope. While claiming the
vote is invalid, the lawsuit also asks for "the
remedy of Trump being declared the winner" in
Pennsylvania. At the least they do not want the
vote certified so Biden would not secure the 20
Electoral College votes.
U.S. District Judge Matthew Brann, hearing the
case, said halting certification would effectively
disenfranchise all voters in the state: "At
bottom, you are asking this court to invalidate
6.8 million votes, thereby disenfranchising every
single voter in the Commonwealth." He added, "Can
you tell me how this result can possibly be
justified?"
Two of the law firms that had been preparing the
case withdrew, with lawyers saying there was not
sufficient evidence. Trump lawyer Rudy Giuliani
then took over. He said during the hearing that
there was "widespread, nationwide voter fraud,"
but offered no evidence. The judge asked for
written filings and, on November 21, dismissed the
case in its entirety. Trump can still appeal to
the Supreme Court of the United States. One of the
difficulties, however, is that among the people, a
ruling by the Supreme Court in Trump's favour
would be rejected. The Court is seen as stacked in
Trump's favour and any such decision would no
doubt trigger broad resistance and perhaps strikes
by the workers. An attempt to use violence against
such actions would only further discredit the
entire process and strengthen resolve among the
people for change in their favour.
Nevada
With Georgia likely no longer in play, Trump is
now turning to Nevada, with 6 Electoral College
votes, just enough to put Biden below 270 when
combined with Pennsylvania and Michigan. Nevada
has a system where county clerks reported to
groups of commissioners for each of the 17
counties on November 16. Clark County includes Las
Vegas, and Washoe includes Reno and both are
considered key. Clark commissioners voted 6-1 in
favour of certification and Washoe 4-1. The
overall results favoured Biden by 33,596 votes of
the almost 1.4 million votes cast. The votes
certified by the county commissioners now go to
the Nevada Supreme Court for final certification
of the statewide vote on November 24.
Trump filed a lawsuit November 17. According to a
court filing released by his campaign, the lawsuit
requests a court order that Trump "be declared the
winner of the Election in Nevada," or,
alternatively, that the results in the state are
annulled and no winner is certified there. The
lawsuit was brought by Trump's slate of electors
for the Electoral College. The lawsuit claims,
again providing no evidence, that "fraud and abuse
renders the purported results of the Nevada
election illegitimate."
Other Concerns
It can be seen that in addition to attempting to
decertify the vote, Trump is also laying the
groundwork for eliminating the role of county and
state officials when it comes to presidential
elections. He has repeatedly directed his fire at
these officials, whether Republican or Democrat,
as part of discrediting the current structure for
elections.
Trump's move to have an obedient Supreme Court is
to establish as a fait accompli the open link
between the Supreme Court and the Office of the
Presidency. It smashes any pretense that the U.S.
Constitution provides what are called "checks and
balances" and pushes the envelope on what can
be accomplished by the prerogative powers of
the U.S. executive not only abroad but
domestically as well. Biden will avail himself of
this precedent just like Obama availed himself of
the powers seized by Bush before him.
All of it shows the urgent need to renew the U.S.
Constitution and its institutions on the new
historical basis. They are rotten to the core and
unfit for the modern era.
Part of the current election clash among the
rulers involves discrediting the existing
structure for U.S. elections. That structure is
primarily state based and puts considerable power
in the hands of state and county officials. Trump
has gone out of his way to target these officials,
whether Republican or Democrat, as he spreads
claims of election fraud.
In addition, the
existence of the Electoral College is also being
challenged. It is indeed obsolete and a remnant of
slavery. Because it is state-based -- a compromise
adopted to enforce national unity at the time of
the Electoral College's creation -- this can no
longer be reconciled with what is supposed to be a
national election for president based on universal
suffrage. It has shown itself repeatedly to not
enfranchise all electors equally and the results
are not seen to be representative of the overall
vote, as occurred with Trump's 2016 election and
others before that.
The current structure also gives states the power
to decide electoral law for their state. This
means rules for registering to vote, voting
itself, running candidates and getting on the
ballot, etc. vary considerably. It ensures
inequality among the electorate and in
participation in the political life of the country
more generally.
One means that has been put forward for dealing
with the situation is a direct vote for president,
without the Electoral College and very likely
without the same role for the states. It would
more likely be designed as a federal election,
with uniform rules across the country controlled
by the federal government. It may perhaps even
include facilitating such a vote, such as a
federally based "motor-voter," method. Already
state licenses have to be approved by the federal
government for use in entering airports and
federal buildings. It would not be difficult to
extend that for voting purposes in the name of
having a single, federal voting roll that would
supposedly be more secure, less open to fraud,
etc. Certainly voters would appreciate a
simplified set up and one that at least appears
more equal.
The problem is a direct vote for president and
reforms in this direction actually provide a
structure that strengthens the power of the
presidency and presidential dictatorship. It
further removes the people from deciding the
electoral system needed while strengthening the
notion of a presidential mandate, as the vote is
directly for president. Consistent with this, it
increases the power of the federal government.
This is a key feature of current restructuring of
the U.S. state taking place. This is evident in
the battles taking place between the states and
federal government concerning COVID-19 funding and
supplies, immigration, policing and more. The
direction is to increase federal control,
particularly when it comes to use of force.
Greater concentration of control and power in
federal hands, especially the Office of the
President, serves not only to weaken states. It
also further removes the people from having a say.
It is a direction that is the opposite of what the
people are demanding and require, which is to
control policing and budgets and themselves be
empowered to govern and decide. A direct vote for
president is a way to divert and pacify this
drive, in the name of increasing democracy.
The entire Constitution with its Amendments and
electoral law stemming from it, is obsolete and a
remnant of slavery. The direction needed is not a
direct vote for president, but rather structures
of democracy that favour the people and serve
their interests. A new constitution with a new
electoral process that empowers the people and
guarantees their rights is needed. Reforms must go
in this direction, not that of more concentrated
power for the rich.
(Voice of Revolution)
All India Rally of Farmers,
Workers and Youth in Delhi on November 26
On November 26, workers, farmers and youth of
India are planning to rally in Delhi in defence of
their dignity, well-being and rights against their
further immiseration by the Indian state on behalf
of the rich.
On that day, and on November 27, the farmers,
answering the call of the All India Kisan
Sangharsh Coordination Committee (AIKSCC) are
converging in Delhi from many states in India.
According to the organizers, farmers from states
on the periphery of Delhi, including Punjab,
Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar
Pradesh, will reach Delhi, the national capital,
on their tractors on November 26 and 27 through
five highways. Farmers from other states will hold
protests in their respective states at the
district and village level.
October 27, 2020. All India Kisan Sangharsh
Coordination Committee meeting of farmers
organizations from different parts of India.
If the government and the police do not allow the
farmers to enter Delhi, as they are threatening,
using the pandemic as a pretext, the farmers
pledge that they will hold their protest wherever
they are stopped, for an indefinite period.
Farmers will be carrying supplies to sustain a
three-month long action. Representatives of
farmers' organizations say that the government did
not hesitate to pass its new farm laws amid
COVID-19 and yet it is trying to stop the farmers
from holding their action in Delhi citing the
pandemic. The Delhi police have imposed a ban on
protests in the capital.
On November 26, ten trade union centrals are
holding a one-day nationwide general strike and
are also supporting the two-day action by farmers.
The ten trade union centrals are the Indian
National Trade Union Congress (INTUC), the All
India Trade Union Congress (AITUC), the Hind
Mazdoor Sabha (HMS), the Centre of Indian Trade
Unions (CITU), the All India United Trade Union
Centre (AIUTUC), the Trade Union Co-ordination
Centre (TUCC), the Self-Employed Women's
Association (SEWA), the All India Central Council
of Trade Unions (AICCTU), the Labour Progressive
Federation (LPF) and the United Trade Union
Congress (UTUC). Youth are also expected to join.
The main demand of the day of action is the
immediate withdrawal of a series of draconian
anti-farmer and anti-labour laws which were passed
at rapid speed in September by the Indian
Parliament, with no debate and despite widespread
opposition from workers, farmers, youth and people
from all walks of life.
Farmers in particular have been holding mass
actions since September to have the farm laws
repealed. In the northern state of Punjab, farmers
blocked roads and highways and railway tracks to
back their opposition to the bills. Instead of
listening to the concerns of farmers, the central
government retaliated and cancelled all trains
carrying goods to Punjab as of October 24, causing
great hardship for the people. Workers have been
holding demonstrations across India to oppose the
government's anti-worker, anti-farmer and
anti-national policies. The fact that the Indian
state is imposing these laws in the midst of the
suffering caused by the pandemic and the economic
crisis has increased the people's anger.
October 6, 2020. Protest by farmers at the
Dussehra grounds on the Sirsa-Barnala highway in
Haryana.
Draconian Farm Bills
The impoverishment of Indian farmers is already
extreme. It is estimated that two-thirds of
India's 1.3 billion people depend on farming for
their livelihood, but the agriculture sector makes
up only around 17 per cent of the nation's total
economic output, about $2.3 trillion. About 80 per
cent of Indian farmers are considered marginal
(less than one hectare) or small farmers (one to
two hectares). More than half of India's farmers
are reported to be in debt. A huge problem is that
the cost of seeds, fertilizer and other inputs has
risen steeply. Meanwhile, the prices farmers
receive for their crops are not even adequate to
cover their costs and provide a net income
sufficient to maintain their families. While
farmers' incomes decline, the debt they owe to
banks and money lenders keeps rising. The
combination of falling incomes and rising
indebtedness drives thousands of Indian farmers to
suicide every year.
Farmers all over the country have been demanding
that the state ensure that their crops are
purchased at a price that is at least 50 per cent
above their full cost of production. This has
never happened, neither through the limited form
of public procurement by state agencies that
currently exists, nor from private traders who do
not even abide by the official minimum support
prices established by the state. Many farmers end
up not even recovering their production costs.
Farmers' organizations estimate that the new
bills that were adopted by the Indian parliament
will only aggravate their situation. These bills
are the Farming Produce Trade and Commerce
(Promotion and Facilitation) Bill, 2020, the
Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement
on Price Assurance and Farm Services Bill, 2020
and the Essential Commodities (Amendment)
Bill.
According to the farmers' unions, the new bills
give full rein to private trading companies to
loot the small farmers. Private corporations can
now purchase agricultural products in any trade
area, at any price. They do not have to purchase
the produce at the regulated market price and pay
the required fees. There is no mention of minimum
prices in the legislation.
The Indian government is promoting its
legislation on the basis that it gives farmers
"freedom" to sell their produce anywhere, that the
government is opening up options to farmers. The
reality, the farmers' unions say, is that 86.2 per
cent of Indian farmers own less than two hectares.
They are under heavy pressure to sell their crops
immediately after harvest in order to pay their
debts, buy inputs for the next crop and to meet
their other needs. As well, they have no capacity
to store crops or for transport (which government
procurement provided) or to bargain for the best
price. They have no choice but to go to the
nearest mandi (market yard), which is
regulated by state governments.
What is going to happen is that rich private
corporations will replace the minimum support
prices and government procurement. According to
farmers' unions, this means that farmers will be
subjected to total corporate control, with
powerful rural elites acting as middlemen for
global multinational agriculture corporations
which means that both inputs and crop markets will
be entirely monopolized by these private
corporations. The farm bills open the path for
increasing domination of agricultural trade by big
corporations, both Indian and foreign.
With deregulation, farmers will lose any
guarantee and any control over the price they
receive for their crops.
Labour Codes
September 25, 2020. Farmers and youth organize
protests in Balangir district, Odisha.
Parliament passed three labour code Bills on
September 23 when the opposition was boycotting
the monsoon session on the issue of the farm
Bills. The three Bills, the Industrial
Relations (IR) Code, the Occupational
Safety, Health and Working Conditions (OSH) Code,
and the Social Security Code, along with
the prior Code on Wages, 2019, amalgamate
44 labour laws. All the legislation deals with
wages, industrial relations, social security,
safety, and welfare conditions. The bills were
passed in spite of the fact that all trade unions
explicitly opposed them.
To give some examples of the content of the
bills, the new code governing industrial relations
eliminates the previous requirement according to
which all enterprises employing 100 or more
workers needed prior government approval to close
down or throw workers out of their jobs. The
threshold of 100 has been increased to 300. About
45 per cent of all factory workers are employed in
enterprises with fewer than 300 employees. The new
law also states that the central and state
governments can raise the 300-employee
threshold at any time.
According to the previous legislation, all
enterprises employing 100 or more workers had to
have Standing Orders, which are known to the
workers and registered with the labour department,
relating to classification of workers, the manner
of informing workers about working hours,
holidays, pay day, wage rates, termination of
employment and grievance mechanisms. Workers in
enterprises where such Standing Orders were in
place could use them to defend their rights
against arbitrary decisions by the employers. The
change will deprive millions of workers of this
mechanism for protecting their rights.
Both the Industrial
Relations Code and the Occupational Safety,
Health and Working Conditions Code, 2020
allow the government to exempt any new industrial
establishment or class of establishments from
their provisions if to do so is in the "public
interest." On occupational safety, the code
provides that exemptions are allowed in the
interest of "creating more economic activity and
employment." Such exemptions can be granted
regarding hours of work, safety standards,
rehiring processes, trade union rights, use of
contract labour, etc.
The list of exemptions is vast, all being imposed
by the Indian state on behalf of narrow private
interests under the hoax of "flexibility," "red
tape reduction" and "job creation."
The All India Days of Action on November 26 and
27 are important events in the fight of the
working class and people of India for their
rights, their dignity as human beings and
producers and their well-being in opposition to
further immiseration and violation of their rights
by the Indian state on behalf of the rich, which
is all the more egregious in the midst of the
pandemic and the economic crisis. This is a heroic
action that deserves the full support of all
Canadian workers and of workers all over the
world.
November 5 "Chakka
Jam" Actions to Block Highways
November 5 a nationwide "Chakka Jam"
was called by farmers organizations demanding
withdrawal of the three agricultural laws with
farmers blocking state and national highways
and roads as well as organizing other actions.
Researchers at the National Security Archive (a
project housed at Georgetown University that
declassifies U.S. government documents) have
uncovered documentation of U.S. plans to overthrow
the democratically elected socialist government of
Salvador Allende (1970-1973) in Chile, carried out
under the administration of President Richard
Nixon. The documents were released November 3, on
the occasion of the 50th anniversary of Allende's
inauguration. These documents had been suppressed
by the administration of President Gerald Ford.
One set of materials documents the conversation
between Nixon and some of his officials, to assess
the U.S. government's course of action following
Allende's victory in the election of September 4,
1970, in the middle of the Cold War. In one of the
memoranda, dated November 5, 1970, then-National
Security Advisor Henry Kissinger alerted Nixon to
the "most historic and difficult decision in
foreign affairs" that the White House would have
to make, taking into account the adverse effects
that the Allende presidency could have, both in
the relationship between Chile and the U.S., as
well as its possible influence in the hemisphere.
Another of the declassified documents shows
clearly that there were divergent positions among
U.S. officials on how to carry out the plan. While
Secretary of State William Rogers proposed to
promote the fall of Allende in a manner that would
not be "counterproductive" to the public
perception of the U.S., which open hostility and
aggression towards Chile might be, Secretary of
Defence Melvin Laird stated bluntly: "We have to
do everything possible to hurt [Allende] and
overthrow him." In this clash of ideas about
foreign policy, Kissinger fought for the most
aggressive position.
"The U.S. will seek to maximize the pressure on
the Allende government to prevent its
consolidation and limit its ability to implement
policies contrary to the interests of the U.S. and
the hemisphere," reads another of the documents.
Among the policies that would be carried out was
the redoubling of interventionist efforts in the
region by coordinating with other governments,
including those of Brazil and Argentina.
U.S. officials were directed to put pressure on
Allende's government by blocking loans from
multilateral banks to Chile and terminating U.S.
export credits and loans, calling on U.S.
corporations to leave the country, and by
manipulating the international market value of
copper, Chile's main export, "to further damage
the Chilean economy," according to the documents.
Additionally, the CIA was authorized to prepare
related action plans for future implementation.
According to the National Security Archive, at
one point Kissinger managed to postpone a meeting
between Nixon and the National Security Council so
he could talk to the President first. Kissinger
wanted to convince him that the risks went beyond
the bilateral relationship between the two
countries and brief him about how he should push
the foreign policy bureaucracy toward a regime
change posture.
In a memo, former Chief of Staff Harry Robbins
Haldeman described Kissinger's position and his
arguments for postponing the meeting: "For Henry,
Chile could end up being the worst failure of our
administration: 'our Cuba' in 1972," he said.
Later, in a conversation with Kissinger, Nixon
said: "If [Allende] can show that he can establish
an anti-American Marxist policy, others will do
the same." Kissinger went even further: "It will
have an effect even in Europe. Not only in Latin
America."[1]
Chile's economy would soon fall, with
multilateral banks blocked, without access to
international credit and with the monopoly media
also deployed against it. Financial problems, in
addition to the drop in economic activity, created
the environment that would pave the way for the
coup d'etat. Three years after those talks in
Washington, under the leadership of the then
commander-in-chief of the Chilean Army, Augusto
Pinochet, on September 11, 1973, the Armed Forces
would assassinate President Salvador Allende,
putting an end, in a violent manner, to the
socialist Government of Popular Unity.
Kissinger and other officials involved in
planning and executing the coup later justified
their actions saying they were for the
"preservation of democracy." This same Cold
War-era rationale is still given today by the U.S.
imperialists and their allies, to justify their
warmongering and brutal crimes, aimed at asserting
domination over the peoples of the world who are
striving for national liberation, sovereignty, and
peaceful and just international relations.
September 11, 2013. March in Santiago Chile on the
40th anniversary of the coup against the Allende
government which brought Augusto Pinochet to power
demands justice for victims of his brutal rule.
Note
1. To see
the full documentation provided by the National
Security Archive, click here.
Une horde ambitieuse en mal de nouvelles
terres Débarque chez les
Métis comme s'ils n'existaient guère D'un océan à
l'autre, chemin de fer à tout prix Les millionnaires
du rail se sont offert un pays
Riel, chef
légitime de l'Assiniboia Réclame en homme
digne, le respect de leurs droits Trahi par Ottawa,
traité comme du bétail Les Métis n'ont
plus le choix, il faut livrer bataille Victoire à
Rivière-Rouge et près de Lac aux Canards Tous leurs
espoirs s'écroulent à Batoche plus tard Riel, les fers
aux pieds; écroué à Regina «Coupable»,
disent les jurés; Richardson sonne le glas
Parodie de
justice dans le plus grand désordre C'est la haine
qui dicte, la potence et la corde De la furie
orangiste, Thomas Scott est le fiel Macdonald le
complice, de la mort de Riel Telle une
cicatrice profonde qui lacère La mémoire des
Métis, que rien ne fera taire Francophones de
partout expriment leur colère Et pleurent Louis
Riel, assassiné hier
Du gibet de ce
dernier ne reste qu'une estampe Un bout de corde,
un musée, la maison de ses parents Et lui qui fut
pourtant père du Manitoba Doit encore
aujourd'hui, essuyer les coups bas Martyr pour les
uns et traître pour les autres L'histoire le
portera en vainqueur face aux fauves On le voudrait
oublié, c'est qu'il dérange encore Toujours
controversé, plus d'un siècle après sa mort
Métis leader Louis Riel (centre) surrounded by
councillors of the Métis Legislative Assembly
of Assiniboia.
On November 16, 1885, the British colonial
power executed the great Métis leader Louis
Riel. Riel had been charged and found guilty of
high treason after the Métis were defeated at
the Battle of Batoche in May of that year. The
execution of Louis Riel was intended as an
assault on the consciousness of the Métis
nation, but was unsuccessful in putting an end
to their fight for their rights and dignity as a
nation. The struggle of the Métis to affirm
their right to be and exercise control over
their political affairs continues to this day.
The two great uprisings of the Métis -- the Red
River Uprising (1869-1870) and North-West
Uprising (1885) -- were not isolated events but
took place at a time when the Indigenous nations
and the Quebec nation were also striving to
affirm their nationhood, and at a time of
revolutionary ferment in Europe. The Métis'
uprisings represented a response to the colonial
project that sought to reproduce the British
state in North America and block the legitimate
aspirations of the nations that comprised
Canada.
The British North America Act of 1867
and the federal government's purchase of
Rupert's Land from the Hudson's Bay Company in
1869-1870, juxtaposed with the decline of the
traditional Métis economy based on the buffalo
hunt, forced the Métis to engage in a power
struggle with the colonial authorities and
negotiate Manitoba's entry into the
Confederation after the establishment of a
Legislative Assembly. The spirit that motivated
Riel and the members of the provisional
government at the time is contained in the
Declaration of the Inhabitants of Rupert's Land
and the Northwest that affirms the sovereignty
of the Métis over their lands. The latter also
refused to recognize the authority of Canada,
"[...], which presumes to have the right to come
and impose on us a form of government even more
incompatible with our rights and our interests
[...]."
The Manitoba Act, which established
that province, was voted on and passed in the
federal Parliament in May 1870. The government
wasted no time in exerting control over its new
territory as evidenced by the Wolseley military
expedition later that year -- which led to Riel
fleeing to the U.S. for fear of his safety --
the creation of the North-West Mounted Police
(1873), and the Indian Act (1876). Prime
Minister John A. Macdonald championed the
colonization of the west and the development of
agriculture with the national policy he had been
promoting since 1878. With the help of the
Oblates (lay members of the Catholic Church
affiliated with a monastic community), the
authorities sought to settle the Métis and force
them to adopt an agricultural lifestyle. Facing
an existence within this rigid framework and
under pressure from land speculators, some Métis
sold the land that had been granted to them and
settled in Saskatchewan.
This was a period when nationalism was in the
air. The events in Manitoba alerted Quebeckers
to the fragility of the Métis' situation, while
the abolition of the teaching of French in New
Brunswick in 1871 indicated the need for
organization. National organizations to defend
the rights and interests of Francophones, such
as the Saint-Jean-Baptiste Society, spread
across the continent with the waves of migration
from the St. Lawrence valley. The National
Convention of Montreal in 1874 and the
Saint-Jean-Baptiste celebrations in Quebec in
1880 and Windsor in 1883 brought together
delegations from all of French America in a
strong show of the vitality of the
"French-Canadian family." Acadians held their
first convention in 1881 where they held a
celebration and adopted a national doctrine.
Métis leaders, under the sway of the Church at
that time, did not rock the boat. In the
aftermath of the Red River resistance, the
Saint-Jean-Baptiste society of Manitoba was
founded in Saint-Boniface, Manitoba. Its
vice-president was none other than Louis Riel.
This association included in its infancy as many
French Canadians as Francophone Métis.
However, aware of their distinct identity,
Métis leaders wished to forge their own
nationalism. Riel would come to articulate a
Métis nationalism, with its own holidays and
national symbols. This process would culminate
in the creation of the Métis National Council at
Batoche in September 1884, to promote the
development of their political consciousness.
The Métis once again took up arms to affirm
their nationhood and right to be in the North
West Rebellion of 1885. For three days between
May 9 and May 12, 1885, 250 Métis fought
valiantly against 916 Canadian Forces at the
Battle of Batoche but were defeated and Riel
surrendered.
Louis Riel's address to the jury in Regina
courtroom, July 1885.
Macdonald and his cabinet took a hard line with
respect to Riel and his compatriots. Riel was
tried in Regina over five days in July 1885.
After half-an-hour's deliberation he was found
guilty of treason by the jury, which recommended
mercy. Nevertheless, Judge Hugh Richardson
sentenced him to death. From September 1885 to
October 1886, Riel and several of his comrades,
all Indigenous, would be condemned to hang.
While times have changed, the Canadian state
has inherited the colonial power and it persists
in the aim of negating the nationhood of the
Métis, Indigenous nations and Quebec. The proud
history of the Métis and their fight to affirm
their rights and nationhood is not some
historical artifact gathering dust, but
continues to gleam brightly in the light of the
present day. The fight to affirm rights that
belong to people by virtue of their being human
is precisely the fight for modern, human-centred
arrangements. Louis Riel's life epitomized the
fight for the recognition of rights on a modern
basis.
Louis Riel's life is an important legacy that
is as relevant as ever at this time when the
Canadian state is doing its utmost to negate the
rights of the Métis, Indigenous nations and the
Quebec nation, as well as the workers, women,
youth, national minorities and all the
collectives in the society, all in the name of
security, balance, austerity and other phony
high ideals.
(Based on an article by
Marc-André Gagnon published in Chantier
politique no. 32, November 18, 2013. Translated
from the original French by TML Weekly. Photos
from public archives.)
On the occasion of the 135th anniversary of
the hanging of Louis Riel, Étincelle Radio
has released a new episode entitled "Louis Riel
et la lutte de la Nation Métisse" (Louis Riel
and the Struggle of the Métis Nation). It
explains the Métis' fight for nationhood and its
suppression by the Canadian state, and
incorporates musical tributes to Riel and the
Métis. To listen, click here.