Supreme Court, Elections and Crisis of U.S. Democracy


October 15, 2020. Protest in Washington DC against confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court. (C. King)

As the disputed U.S. presidential election continues to unfold, the likelihood of the Supreme Court intervening is coming to the fore. At present at least one of the Pennsylvania lawsuits -- an appeal by the state Republican Party and now joined by the Trump campaign -- is likely to make it to the Supreme Court. It involves discounting votes received after Election Day. Trump may hope to still win in Pennsylvania, and with a favourable ruling, also win in Wisconsin and Michigan, which extended the vote in a manner similar to Pennsylvania. Whether or not a ruling determines the outcome of the vote, it is likely that the push for the lawsuit is part of the effort of the international financial oligarchy to eliminate any blocks to its seizure of a centralized decision-making power and this includes undermining state authority in elections, including that of the state Supreme Courts.

Initially Pennsylvania's Democratic Party and the state's Secretary of State sued to have the date for accepting mail-in ballots extended three days, from 5:00 pm November 3 to 5:00 pm November 6. These ballots are the main ones still being counted. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled in support of the extension. Republicans appealed and asked the U.S. Supreme Court for an expedited ruling before the elections, which the Court denied. However, it left open the possibility of pursuing the case. Justice Alito wrote that the ruling "does not mean, however, that the state court decision must escape our review." The extended deadline "has national importance, and there is a strong likelihood" that the ruling violates the U.S. Constitution, he added.

While Pennsylvania is currently the only state where Trump is pursuing this case, a number of other states also extended their deadlines, including those with close vote counts: Michigan, where ballots postmarked by November 3 could be received up to two weeks after Election Day; North Carolina, where they could be received within nine days after the election; and Wisconsin, within six days after November 3. These states are also possible arenas for similar lawsuits by Trump whose claim is the one he uttered in a White House speech: "If you count the legal votes, I easily win." And "If you count the illegal votes, they can try to steal the election from us."

What emerges in all of this is that the Supreme Court, not the state-level Supreme Courts and legislatures -- is being put forward as the arbiter and decision-maker of what is and is not legal for elections. Even if a ruling by the Supreme Court does not decide the election itself, it provides a precedent for overruling state Supreme Courts. In doing so it increases the power of the executive office of the presidency to decide election law. This removes it from the power of the states or, at the very least, lessens the state power. This tells us something about the general tendency in the restructuring of the U.S. state machinery. More and more power is being concentrated in the Office of the President for purposes of eliminating structures that stand in the way of the narrow private interests which have usurped the decision-making power. Authorities at the federal and state levels are contending for everything -- evident in the many conflicts concerning policing, immigration, COVID-19 and elections. The restructuring aims at federal control all down the line.

The complexity for the rulers is that intervention by the Supreme Court in these matters is already being questioned. The consciousness among the people is such that unions and dozens of organizations are standing at the ready to reject the Supreme Court playing a deciding role. More generally the legitimacy of the Court is increasingly in doubt. With the rapid confirmation of Trump's latest addition to the bench, Amy Coney Barrett, the Court is seen as stacked in Trump's favour.

In 2010, the Supreme Court also made the notorious Citizens United ruling that opened the doors for massive funding of elections by the monopolies and oligarchs, using superPACs (Political Action Committees) to provide unlimited funding. From 2010 to 2018, superPACs provided about $2.9 billion for federal elections, the bulk coming from just a few individual donors. In the 2018 elections, for example, the top 100 donors to superPACs contributed nearly 78 per cent of all superPAC funding. The ruling increased the undemocratic and corrupt character of U.S. elections. It also facilitated the ability of the oligarchs to more readily usurp the power of the U.S. state for their own private narrow interests.

The Supreme Court functions mainly as an arm of the executive, with Supreme Court rulings generally favouring whatever is needed by the executive at any point in time. This is evident in rulings related to slavery, desegregation and elections.

With the rivalries among the factions of the ruling class more intense than ever and their institutions dysfunctional, as these elections reveal them to be, some rulings may reflect the contention between the vying factions within the Executive itself. At the same time, there has been a general weakening of the role of the Court, just as there has been with Congress. Rulings are simply ignored, as Obama did concerning the Guantánamo torture camp and as Trump has largely done concerning immigration, refugees and Muslim bans.

For the 2020 elections, use of the Supreme Court in deciding the election is fraught with danger for the rulers. The anger with government failures over COVID-19 and the broad and unrelenting movement of the people is such that the federal government and its policing agencies are losing the authority to govern and use force against the people. The conditions are calling out for a new arrangement of governance, one which empowers the people to govern and decide. Any Supreme Court interference in the election will only re-emphasize that the existing arrangements are not accountable to the people.


This article was published in

Volume 50 Number 43 - November 7, 2020

Article Link:
Supreme Court, Elections and Crisis of U.S. Democracy - Voice of Revolution


    

Website:  www.cpcml.ca   Email:  editor@cpcml.ca