State-Sanctioned Black Ops and Cover-Ups - Anna Di
Carlo - Police
attack demonstration led by CPC(M-L) activists outside the Royal York
Hotel in Toronto, March 3, 1971. The demonstration supports the Quebec
people and opposes the attacks launched on them by Prime Minister
Pierre Trudeau's government. There are many
official as well as media accounts of crimes committed against
Canadians, Quebeckers and Indigenous peoples by the Royal Canadian
Mounted Police (RCMP). Some of the crimes are left out of the accounts
altogether; others are said to be unacceptable aberrations or necessary
despite the violations of rights. All in all, it is said that such
crimes belong to the past or even that they have contributed to
strengthening our democracy. The Canadian Security Intelligence Service
(CSIS) was created in 1984 to, allegedly, "collect intelligence but not
pass to action" and thus we were to believe that the days of the dirty
deeds of the RCMP were over. Of course, it is not true that after 1984
the security services stopped violating the rights of the people. These
include cover-up of their involvement in the 1985 Air India disaster.
Since 9/11, every manner of excuse has been given to violate rights
with impunity. Bill C-51, the Anti-Terrorism Act 2015 extends
powers to CSIS to allow it to conduct activities that resemble those of
the RCMP prior to 1984. This article provides a
brief review of the official story and what the Communist Party of
Canada (Marxist-Leninist) had to say about this at the time the events
were taking place. The aim of the review is to sum up this experience
so that people can provide themselves with a suitable guide to action
which serves the present and opens a path to a safe and bright future.
As the official story goes, the RCMP carried out illegal
activities until approximately 1977 as part of their work to safeguard
Canadian "national security," but all of this was cleaned up in the
period from 1978 through 1984, culminating in the separation of the
RCMP's intelligence and enforcement wings, as recommended by the
Commission of Inquiry Concerning Certain Activities of the RCMP (the
McDonald Commission). The Commission carried out its investigation from
1977 through to 1981. The reorganization of the security forces took
place from 1981 to 1984. The new regime was put in place in November
1984 with the appointment of the first Security Intelligence Review
Committee. Reviewing the Incidents that Led to
Creation of McDonald Commission On July 26,
1974, Robert Samson a former RCMP constable and member of the Combined
Anti-Terrorist Squad of Quebec who had gone into the RCMP-Security
Service (RCMP-SS) was injured by a bomb explosion in front of the Mount
Royal home of Melvyn Dobrin, President of the Steinberg supermarket
chain. Samson said he was meeting an informant at the location when he
spotted and picked up a parcel which exploded in his face. The RCMP
officially disavowed any link to Samson's activity and reported him to
the Montreal police. The Quebec fire commissioner who interrogated
Samson did not buy his story and he was charged with planting the bomb.
During his court case, held in 1976, Samson spilled information about
what he referred to as Operation Bricole. In exchange for immunity he
explained that Operation Bricole involved a break-in at the Montreal
office of Agence de Presse Libre du Québec (APLQ) "to take
documents which were files of the most militant members as well as
pertinent documents." He explained that the APLQ "always had a fairly
big list of Quebec leftists." To this day, what Samson was actually
doing on July 26, 1974 remains a mystery. Shortly
after the conclusion of Samson's trial, then-Solicitor General Warren
Allmand told the House of Commons that the APLQ raid was an isolated
incident "organized by either the Quebec provincial police or the
Montreal police, and the RCMP assumed an assisting role." At
the same time, in June 1977, the Parti
Québécois government of Quebec, launched
its own inquiry into the police activities, the Commission
d'enquête sur des opérations policières
en territoire québécois (also known as the Keable
Commission). Every step of the way, the Commission met with resistance
and obstruction from both the RCMP and the federal government who
challenged the Commission's jurisdiction to examine the affairs of a
federal agency, arguing that it was invading the prerogatives of the
federal government. The Trudeau government succeeded in having Canadian
courts declare the investigation unconstitutional, even though a large
number of the dirty operations were directed against the people of
Quebec. It charged that the Keable Commission would be violating the Official
Secrets Act. Solicitor General Francis Fox, who succeeded
Allmand, refused to hand over subpoenaed documents, using the "absolute
privilege" accorded to the Solicitor General under Canada's Federal
Courts Act, a privilege without any recourse to appeal.
The Keable Commission nevertheless gathered enough proof to
establish that the RCMP had taken part in a number of illegal
activities as part of its surveillance operations after the October
Crisis of 1970, including the following: - A
burglary at the APLQ offices; - The burning of a
barn in 1971 called La Ferme du Québec Libre in the Eastern
Townships where members of the FLQ and the U.S. Black Panthers and
various protest groups met; - The issuing of 13
false FLQ press releases in 1971 from a dummy FLQ cell called
André Ouimet, which claimed responsibility for the
firebombing of the Brinks Company office in Montreal in January of the
same year. The purpose of the communiqués was to create the
impression that the FLQ was still active after the October Crisis of
1970. Some of them threatened the life of Minister of Justice
Jérôme Choquette and claimed responsibility for
firebombings that never took place. The media, especially the Journal
de Montréal, published stories on the basis of
those communiqués with titles such as "The FLQ Is Not Dead"
and "Have We Underestimated the Strength of the FLQ?" The FLQ, which
for all intents and purposes was decimated during the October Crisis,
was now presented as a powerful organization with numerous cells whose
frequent actions "represent an active threat to the security of the
person and to civil liberties in Quebec." The Keable Commission
dedicated a chapter to the role of the media in these intrigues.
- The theft of dynamite on the night of April 26 to 27, 1972
from Richelieu Explosives in Rougemont by policeman Rick Daigle
assisted by corporals Bernard Chamberland and Normand Dubuc; -
The kidnapping of André Chamard, a law intern involved in
the defence of the accused FLQ members on June 7, 1972. The RCMP first
attempted to recruit Chamard as an informer using a drug case he was
involved in as blackmail and subjected him to beatings and death
threats. - The theft of Parti
Québécois membership lists in January 1973 during
"Operation Ham," as part of a burglary of the courier company "Courier
Dynamics Inc," an operation involving 66 RCMP officers.[1] RCMP
Officer Donald Cobb, Inspector Jean Coutellier of the
Sûreté du Québec and Inspector Roger
Cormier of the Montreal police were eventually charged with authorizing
a search without a warrant in relation to the APLQ break-in. The
proceedings carried on until June 1977 when they pleaded guilty,
eliminating public hearing of evidence. Their lawyer argued that they
were outstanding citizens, that they had a momentary lapse when they
failed to obtain a warrant and that they had done it with the best of
motives -- to defend national security. They were granted unconditional
discharges and returned to active duty. On July 6,
1977, Solicitor General Fox acknowledged in the House of Commons that
the APLQ break-in was not an "exceptional and isolated" case and
announced that a Commission of Inquiry would be launched. McDonald
Commission Hearings The McDonald Commission
began its hearings on October 18, 1977. All told there were 169
hearings, 144 of them held in camera. It heard evidence from 149
witnesses about RCMP activities and the extent of knowledge about them
by Ministers and senior officials. The major topics
it dealt with were summarized by the Commission: "- Operation Bricole -- the APLQ
Incident; -
Operation Ham -- the removal and copying of Parti
Québécois membership lists; - Surreptitious Entries
(generally); -
Certain cases of attempted recruitment of Human Sources; - Mail Checks; - Burning of a Barn; Removal of
Dynamite; -
Access to information in the possession of the Department of National
Revenue, the Unemployment Insurance Commission and other government
departments; -
Operation Checkmate -- countermeasures and disruptive tactics;
- Miscellaneous topics
relating to the accountability of the RCMP to Government; the
Relationship between the Security Service and its Human Sources."
The Commission promised that, subject to "the restrictions
imposed upon us by our mandate as to matters related to 'national
security,' 'public interest,' or 'the interest of the privacy of
individuals,'" it would make what it heard "public as much as possible."
Fifty-two volumes of transcripts heard in camera
were released as 45 volumes of redacted material. Some of this is now
in the National Archives which can be accessed with CSIS approval. Once
cleared for access, documents can be viewed by others. Much if not most
of the evidence pertaining to this period right through to 1988 has
been destroyed. The volume pertaining to the dirty deeds committed
against CPC(M-L) was never released. RCMP
Destroys Operation Checkmate Files During the
McDonald Commission's hearings in November 1979 and February 1980, it
was revealed that the RCMP-SS destroyed files, particularly those
related to Operation Checkmate. They destroyed files containing details
about actual operations conducted, and others that were proposals for
"unexecuted operations." According to what the
RCMP-SS told the Commission, the files were destroyed after two
internal reviews, one in 1974-75, referred to as "Phase One" involving
"mere proposals for operations" -- and the remainder in 1977. There
were "approximately 25 volumes" related to Operation Checkmate in total.
The Commission was told that Deputy Director (Operations)
Howard Draper and Staff Sergeant Ron Yaworski and Superintendent Gustav
Begalki, who was in charge of "D" Operations -- the Counter-Subversion
Branch that oversaw the Special Operations group supervising Operation
Checkmate -- recommended the destruction of files. The Commission
reported: "By November 1974, [Yaworski] believed
that many of the operations which had been carried out under the code
name 'Checkmate' were 'wrong.' He came to this conclusion because of
his 'increasing awareness of mounting public criticism in the United
States of comparable programmes which had been carried out by the FBI.'"
The Commission reported that Yaworksi was concerned about
"leakage of government documents" and the "possibility of the
disclosure of what he considered to be 'very sensitive' and 'very
explosive' information and about probable consequent embarrassment to
the Security Service as a whole." He wanted to "lessen the
possibilities of exposure of Operation Checkmate." The
Commission reported that the officers involved in the destruction of
files discussed "the potentially 'very explosive' nature of what little
material was still on the files." The Commission said no explanation
was given as to what "very explosive" meant, or whether the "problems
involved possible illegalities." No list of the materials destroyed was
kept. Begalki said that his reasoning for
destroying the files was the "winding down" of the operation. The
Commission reported: "Mr. Begalki says that the possible embarrassment
to the Security Service in the event of the disclosure of any of the
contents of the Checkmate files did not 'separately' have a bearing on
his decision that the files should be destroyed. He later explained
that that was not his reason, and that he did not know the contents of
any of the files or that there were any illegalities described in them.
He maintains that the lack of intelligence value was the criterion he
applied in authorizing this destruction of the files, and which he
expected Staff Sergeant Pethic to apply as he went through the files."
Individuals who participated in the destruction of the files,
such as Staff Sergeant Pethic, told the Commission they had vague
recollections of the files. Pethic said he "vaguely remembered a file
on an individual." He said that "he retained only three documents: (1)
an outline of the finances of either the Communist Party of Canada or a
communist front organization, (2) a description of an individual's
departure from a suspected communist front organization and (3) a
document from an agency outside the Security Service." The
Commission concluded: "In our opinion the explanation given by Mr.
Yaworski for recommending in 1974 the destruction of the Checkmate
files, when analyzed, amounts to nothing less than an intention to
reduce the possibility of the Government of Canada learning of acts
which he himself had come to consider to have been 'wrong.' Standard
criteria for the destruction of files were deliberately disregarded by
him and Mr. Draper. "We cannot ignore the fact that
more than three years earlier, on June 30, 1971, in a memorandum
prepared by Mr. Yaworski (although signed by Sergeant Pethic), it was
said that 'containment measures being considered or attempted' might be
'of such a sensitive nature that they are not to be committed to
paper.' Mr. Yaworski told us that by 'sensitive' he did not mean
'illegal' but rather the fact that the Security Service was using
information from a source which might put the source in jeopardy, and
to the fact that the Security Service was itself taking action rather
than simply reporting its information to some other branch of
government. "We find this explanation unconvincing
and we believe that Mr. Yaworski, drafting the memorandum for Sergeant
Pethic's signature, was referring to a willingness to use deterrent
methods, including illegal ones if necessary, to achieve what he
described in the memorandum as a 'more aggressive and positive
approach' to operations which would 'impede, deter or undermine' target
groups." No charges were laid for this deliberate
destruction of evidence about the crimes committed against the peoples
of Canada and Quebec. At some point, Ron Yaworski became a "Security
Consultant" who, as late as 2002, appeared before a Senate committee as
an expert witness during its in
camera budgetary considerations on security matters. (The
position of deputy director of operations for CSIS is held by a Jeff
Yaworski. TML could not establish if they are
related.) Aside from the destruction of files in
the 1974-77 period, in the transition of the RCMP-SS to CSIS, one of
the issues was what to do with the files accumulated over more than 50
years of subversive activities. One scholar who has investigated the
fate of the files writes: "The Security Service, with the federal
government's permission had already destroyed 208,481 of its files
between July 1983 and May 1984. With the appearance of the new spy
agency, a decision was made to transfer some of the records to the
National Archives of Canada. In 1987 CSIS created the National Archives
Requirements Unit to review the documents in consultation with
archivists. Out of nearly 500,000 records, 440,000 were destroyed.
Twenty-nine thousand documents made the trip to the archives and 28,000
were retained at CSIS because of continuing value. The embarrassment
factor was considered in at least one case when the records were being
reviewed. After assessing a single volume in the collection relating to
McGill University, an employee of CSIS was sure that the file deserved
to be destroyed, since Canada's new spy service had 'no need for a file
to be specifically opened on a university, [deleted] Keeping such a
file can only bring us problems."[2]
CPC(M-L)'s Deliberations on the McDonald Commission
and the Creation of CSIS On February 19, 1975,
the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) convened a press
conference in Toronto to repudiate a sensationalist news item in the Toronto
Star claiming that an FBI agent named Joseph Burton had
infiltrated the Party and gathered internal information. The alleged
infiltrator claimed that he knew that "Hardial Bains walked out of the
north Korean embassy in Paris with $30,000" when such an embassy did
not even exist. In a statement issued at the time,
the Party said: "This manoeuvre on the part of the
capitalist press was so clumsy that it showed their sinister motive to
discredit the Party by raising doubts about [its] operations and
causing suspicion in the minds of the people about [its] integrity."
CPC(M-L)
founder and leader Hardial Bains counters the lies and slanders against
the Party at a Toronto press conference, February
19, 1975. |
This activity was one of many carried out against CPC(M-L). It
was neither the first dirty operation carried out against the Party by
the RCMP-SS nor was it the last. The day will certainly come when the
peoples of Canada will reconstruct the truth about the sordid
treacherous activities carried out against them in the period that has
supposedly been investigated and dealt with. But the biggest fraud of
all is that CSIS gave rise to a "new" civilian agency to take care of
national security intelligence. In fact, any RCMP-SS members who wished
to do so were welcomed to join CSIS. It is said that many even kept
their desks and that the new spy agency primarily consisted of former
RCMP-SS members. In the period of transition to
CSIS, on August 12, 1984, the British Columbia Headquarters of CPC(M-L)
was burned to the ground along with surrounding businesses, with total
damages estimated at $3 million. It was as though CSIS was sending a
message that nothing was going to change. A 22-year-old American
citizen named Rolland Degroot was detained in connection with the fire,
but the police and the media refused to properly investigate the matter
so that nobody would be charged and there was to be no redress. In the
days and weeks prior to the razing of the Party's BC Headquarters,
various other attacks were carried out, not only on the BC
Headquarters, but in Montreal as well. Degroot was
a self-proclaimed neo-Nazi who the police never charged or brought to
justice. The black op was part of the state's racist offensive against
the people of British Columbia and across the country to terrorize
immigrants and get them to stop fighting for their rights. The state
floated Nazi and white supremacist organizations which it used to
launch racist attacks. It tried to blame the people for being racist,
as it does today in the case of accusations that Quebeckers are
Islamophobic or that Canadians demand that Muslims be "moderate" and
swear loyalty to what are called Canadian values. All of this
propaganda served to justify using state intervention against the
people in both Canada and India just as today it is used in a similar
manner at home and abroad. Demonstration
and rally on the occasion of the founding of the People's Front,
Vancouver, November 22, 1980. During
the period when these attacks were being launched, CPC(M-L) and its
leader Hardial Bains raised the slogan to blame the state and not the
people for racist attacks and fascist violence and called on the people
to organize their own defence, since clearly the police were not going
to defend them. The East Indian Defence Committee was founded in 1973
and then, in November 1980, the People's Front Against Racist and
Fascist Violence was founded. Both organizations developed their work
under the leadership of the Party and Hardial Bains. It brought
organized form to work that had been carried out from early 1973 to
unite the people of all walks of life and backgrounds in action to
oppose the racist and fascist violence and make sure it would not take
hold in Canada. Hundreds of thousands of
Canadians joined in mass opposition to the racist and fascist violence,
including to the racist Green Paper on Immigration released by the
Liberal government in 1975, a struggle the Party also led. The Green
Paper divided Canadians between whites and "people of colour with novel
and distinctive features" and enshrined the category Aboriginal to make
sure all the Indigenous nations were lumped together on a racist basis.
Following the Green Paper, as the recognition of state-organized racism
took hold in the Canadian consciousness, Ontario issued the Pitman
Report authored by Walter Pitman which declared that there was no
evidence of state-organized racism and that Canadians "are all a little
bit racist." This entire period laid bare the hand of the state behind
racist and fascist violence. It clearly established the truth of what
CPC(M-L) was saying. Because of this, the state did everything possible
to isolate CPC(M-L), including staging attacks against it by police
agents within the people's movement and then blaming CPC(M-L) for
instigating violence when it defended itself against these assaults.
CPC(M-L) was vindicated in court where the preponderance of evidence
showed that it was the target of assaults and that it assaulted no one
even when it defended itself against assault. CPC(M-L)
organizes demonstrations, pickets and meetings across Canada during
1975, to mobilize opposition to the federal government's Green Paper on
Immigration that aims to divide the
Canadian people on a racist basis. Photos (top to bottom)
from Vancouver, Ottawa and Kitchener-Waterloo. Later,
the Canadian state stepped up its use of state terrorism against the
people. Amongst other things, it concocted the theory of "Sikh
fundamentalism" and "extremists" to justify the state attacks against
those who were opposing injustice in Canada and in India, taking a
stand against the Indira Gandhi regime, especially those from the
Punjab nation seeking independence from India. Criminal attacks were
also launched against the people of Kashmir and the other nations and
tribal peoples in India fighting for emancipation and the brutal
oppression and exploitation at the hands of the industrialists,
landlords and their state. The Air India bombing
took place under these conditions and no amount of attempts to blame it
on "Sikh extremists" could hide the hand of the Canadian spy agencies
in creating these "extremists" and putting together this conspiracy.
Under these conditions, thousands of Punjabi youth were slaughtered in
Punjab, while black laws and black ops were used to suppress the
opposition. Finally, the floodgates were opened to the perpetuation of
anarchy and violence in India with Operation Blue Star in 1984 when the
Golden Temple in Amritsar, Punjab, the holiest shrine of the Sikhs, was
invaded by the Indian army which resulted in the slaughter of many
people. This was the beginning of the escalation of state intervention
in religious affairs where it dictates the conscience of the people and
what they can and cannot do as a way of life. The policy of individual
acts of terrorism and targeted assassinations became commonplace with
the aim of keeping people out of politics. Indira Gandhi and her son
Rajiv Gandhi themselves fell victim to this policy. Thus
the Canadian state erected the bogeyman of "Sikh fundamentalism."
Following the 9/11 attacks against the twin towers in New York and the
Pentagon in Washington, DC, this turned out to be yeoman's service for
the imperialist system of states. This "Sikh fundamentalism" served as
a model for the CIA as it erected the spectre of "Islamic
fundamentalism" as the extreme which poses the gravest danger to
society. On this basis, once again, it is the people who are blamed for
the terrorist attacks while state terrorism in the name of combatting
terror is erected as the solution. All of it reveals the modus
operandi of the so-called intelligence services and their
"strategy of tension" which, in turn, has the aim of making sure
economic, social and other problems are not provided with political
solutions. Throughout all this period, the work to
unite the people in action against the state-organized racist and
fascist attacks proved the revolutionary character and mettle of
CPC(M-L). CPC(M-L)'s Response to the Arson Attack
After the arson
attack on its BC Headquarters, on August 20-21, 1983, the Party
convened an Enlarged Plenum of the Central Committee where a report was
presented entitled "The Arson Attack Against the Headquarters of
CPC(M-L) in BC -- A Senseless Act of Individual Violence or a
State-Inspired Crime Against the Party and the People?" The Party put
the arson attack in the context of the long line of attacks of various
forms that were launched against the Party, its members, supporters and
offices from 1970 through to the arson attack. The
report to the Party's Central Committee drew the conclusion that the
arson attack and the response of the police and the media had the aim
of: 1) convincing public opinion that the arson
attack was insignificant and hence that it is fine and normal to have
such attacks on the Party; 2) sowing confusion in
the minds of the people to downplay and negate the danger of fascism;
3) to create public opinion that such attacks are provoked by
the target itself; and 4)
to promote the bankrupt anti-communist theory of "two extremes,"
according to which the Marxist-Leninists and the fascists are fighting
each other while the government and state agencies are the moderate
middle-ground which is neutral and opposed to all extremes. Within
this context, the Plenum analyzed that the measures were being put in
place to strengthen the repressive state apparatus as part of the
all-round fascization of life, the suppression of the Marxist-Leninists
and other progressive forces and "to incite crimes of so-called
senseless violence" such as the arson attack in BC. The
report to the Central Committee addressed the McDonald Commission's
report noting the similarity between the arson attack in Quebec in 1974
and the burning of the bookstore. It stated: "Far from condemning such
crimes, the McDonald Royal Commission [...] sought to justify these
crimes and to elaborate a framework to legalize the crimes carried out
by the RCMP against the struggles of the people and the interests of
the nation and to legalize the operation of the foreign espionage
agencies of U.S. imperialism, the FBI and the CIA, and the direct
intervention in Canadian affairs by the highest echelons of the United
States government [...]." It pointed out that the Canadian Security
Intelligence Service "will be legally empowered to carry out all the
illegal and hooligan activities which the RCMP, the CIA and the FBI
have carried out in the past, in the name of defending democracy and
the interests of the nation against subversion." The
Central Committee posed the question: "Who are the terrorists and who
is carrying out acts of political violence in Canada?" To answer the
question, it looked to the McDonald Commission's report. "The
McDonald Commission openly admits the fact that the bourgeoisie and its
RCMP and other police forces and spies, as well as fascist gangs, have
been the source of terrorism, barn-burnings, kidnappings, torture and
blackmail in the recruitment of informants, of racist and fascist hate
messages on telephones and violent attacks against the national
minority communities, workers' struggles and against the progressive
and democratic forces and the Marxist-Leninists, attempted
assassinations, and so on. The report also admits that the police and
government authorities have fully cooperated with the American spy
agencies and police forces in bringing spies to Canada to sabotage
CPC(M-L), and the struggle of the Native people and other groups in
Canada. Significantly, however, some sections of the McDonald
Commission Report, such as the section on 'Operation Checkmate,' which
deal specifically with how CPC(M-L) and its leadership, Comrade Hardial
Bains, have been the targets of such terrorist attacks were never
released for publication. This too serves the tactic of the bourgeoisie
of slandering the Marxist-Leninists as the source of crime and violence
by comparing them to the fascists and terrorists, while in fact
remaining silent about their true activities and progressive stands.
Mass
demonstration on Parliament Hill, September 1974, in support of the
struggle of Native peoples that is later savagely attacked by the RCMP.
The bourgeoisie, government authorities, monopoly media, opportunists
and others then accuse CPC(M-L) of causing the violence. In fact,
CPC(M-L) was the foremost champion of the just cause of the Anishnaabe
and others fighting at that time and a main organizer of the
demonstration. The convoluted logic of the police and its agents, once
all else failed, was to say that because CPC(M-L) organized the
demonstration, it was responsible for the attack. In this way, every
attempt was made to blame the resistance struggle for the repression of
the state. "Blame the State and Not the People for Racist and Fascist
Violence" was the slogan that represented the true facts at that time
and this remains the case today. "The McDonald
Commission report also served to justify the fascization of the state
and strengthening of the apparatus of repression, including the
operation of the civilian spy agency, CSIS, under the guise that it is
necessary to make illegal activities legal in the name of the interests
of national security, in the name that Canada's interests are
inseparable from those of U.S. imperialism and that those who fight for
the democratic rights of the people and the interests of the nation
[...] are the 'enemies' of the interests of the people and the nation
and are the source of the danger to peace and security in Canada and to
democracy. "Thus, the McDonald Commission declared
that the principal threats to Canadian security 'arise from the
clandestine activities of agents of foreign powers in Canada, terrorist
organizations and groups working actively to overthrow the foundation
of parliamentary democracy.'" The Report to the
Plenum pointed out that "In the category of 'groups working actively to
overthrow the foundation of parliamentary democracy' the Commission
lumps the Marxist-Leninists together with the fascists so as to create
maximum confusion, and then declares that the fascists are inactive and
do not pose a threat." The report pointed out that it was not
accidental that the Commission did not make more specific the category
of "terrorist organizations." It was already documented that the RCMP
and other police forces were behind all the terrorist activities they
blamed on the FLQ, to say nothing about the "Western Guard" and other
neo-Nazi, white supremacist organizations that had committed terrorist
attacks. "The McDonald Commission even records certain of these
attacks, as well as the work of the U.S. police agents operating in
Canada, and condones these nefarious activities," the Report pointed
out. The Central Committee's report noted the
admission of the McDonald Commission of the police-nature of the
Canadian state and "that the activities of CPC(M-L) 'have been under
intensive investigation in the 1970s. Its leader has been the object of
both close surveillance and certain of the disruptive tactics which
were carried out under the Operation Checkmate umbrella.' The
Commission also confesses that 'Widespread harassment at every possible
opportunity' was carried out against the Party members and supporters,
including dismissal from jobs and deportations as well as attempts to
kill members and supporters. Many of these activities were foiled by
the vigilance of the Party, which condemned them and fought against
them, right when they were perpetrated." Meeting
in March 1977, to oppose the political persecution of communist and
progressive forces, following a police raid on the CPC(M-L)'s Workers'
Centre in Kitchener-Waterloo on February 23, 1977.
The Report warned that the "McDonald Commission speaks as if
it were opposed to these activities, but this is deception to fool the
gullible, to whitewash its own role and the fascization of the state
and to prepare for further attacks. In fact, its own mission was to
directly attack the Marxist-Leninists using the disguise of upholding
the 'rule of law.' While the McDonald Commission was scribbling its
justifications for 'law and order,' the attacks were still going on
against the Marxist-Leninists and progressive forces across the
country, as is still the case today, for these attacks never stopped
for a single day." The Report concluded that the
creation of CSIS "[...] is a further step in the fascization of the
state within the framework of the so-called parliamentary process and
through 'constitutional means' and it poses a real threat to the lives
and liberties of the people." Amongst other things it noted that the
legislation would grant immunity for security service operatives and
make it a criminal offence for anyone to reveal their identity.
The Report also identified the alleged fight against terrorism
as "an important propaganda weapon for the ideo-political deception" of
the people with the aim of liquidating and diverting their struggles.
This article was published in
Volume 50 Number 38 - October 10, 2020
Article Link:
State-Sanctioned Black Ops and Cover-Ups - Anna Di
Carlo
Website: www.cpcml.ca
Email: editor@cpcml.ca
|