SNC-Lavalin and the Charbonneau Commission

The current turmoil around SNC-Lavalin's corruption reminds us that it is workers in Quebec and Canada who pay the price for corporate and state corruption.

The case of SNC-Lavalin and the Charbonneau Commission is still fresh in peoples' minds. This commission was set up in 2011 by the Liberal government of Jean Charest, after years of refusal to publicly discuss corruption involving large construction and engineering companies in connection with the financing of political parties. The official mandate of the Charbonneau Commission was to eradicate collusion and corruption in the awarding of public contracts in construction, to reveal the possible links between this corruption and the financing of political parties and the possible infiltration of the construction industry by organized crime.

The corrupt activities of SNC-Lavalin, the largest engineering and construction management company in Canada, were at the centre of the Charbonneau Commission. Two aspects in particular were noted by the Commission.

The first is the illegal financing by SNC-Lavalin of municipal political parties (Union Montréal) and Quebec parties (especially the Liberal Party, but also the Parti Québécois) in exchange for contracts from the City of Montreal and Quebec government ministries. The law prohibits businesses (and unions) from making financial contributions to Quebec political parties.

All kinds of illegal tactics have been used by SNC-Lavalin to circumvent this law, including having dozens of its executives issue personal cheques to political parties, while the money actually came from the company itself, as the company reimbursed its executives with "bonuses" at the end of the year.

The Commission has estimated that from 1998 to 2010, more than $1 million was illegally paid by SNC-Lavalin to the two main Quebec political parties of the day. It was also revealed during the hearings that SNC-Lavalin illegally provided $200,000 to the Union Montréal party to help it win the 2005 Montreal municipal election. The company did so by paying a fake bill from Union Montréal and by providing money in cash to the Montreal party fundraiser. All this was done under the pretext that it was "the price to pay for doing business" and that SNC-Lavalin had to remain in the "market" for public contracts.


Document compiled by the Charbonneau Commission shows the money SNC-Lavalin allegedly handed over to political parties.

The second case is the scandal of the McGill University Health Centre (MUHC). The Commission disclosed the scheme by which SNC-Lavalin paid bribes of $22.5 million to two senior MUHC officials to win the $1.34 billion contract in 2010 for the new university hospital, a public-private partnership (P3). The illegal monies were paid to the two senior officials of the health centre through false companies set up by them. One of the MUHC officials, Arthur Porter, by the most wonderful coincidence, was made Chairman of the Security Intelligence Review Committee by Prime Minister Stephen Harper also in 2010. The MUHC case has been characterized at hearings as the largest corruption fraud in Canadian history. It should be noted that all the so-called ethical rules surrounding the granting of public infrastructure projects in public private partnerships have not prevented this fraud.

SNC-Lavalin has not been prohibited from participating in the consortia of private companies that bid on public infrastructure projects and this case was not used as the opportunity to reassess P3 projects that naturally lend themselves to corruption and fraud involving private interests and their political representatives. It should also be noted that SNC-Lavalin, which obtained the construction contract for the new Champlain Bridge, is known for its attacks on the health and safety of construction workers and, by extension, of the public. Construction workers have had to constantly fight the company's violation of safety standards, particularly with regard to crane operation, to which the government has turned a blind eye. This is a clear cut case of corruption and collusion between SNC-Lavalin and the state but the Charbonneau Commission did not consider an investigation of these activities to be within its mandate.

Workers Attacked in the Name of the Fight Against Corruption


Yves Ouellet (at mic), then-president of FTQ Construction, defended the struggles of construction workers against the Charbonneau Commission's slanders that workers were using intimidation akin to corruption and organized crime. The intention of this slander was to divert attention from who is responsible for corruption and organized crime -- not the workers but the collusion between governments and the big construction companies.

In its assessment of the events addressed, the Charbonneau Commission extended the concept of corruption and organized crime to workers' collectives and their allied organizations that carry out concerted action to defend workers' rights, which sometimes leads to the disruption of construction site activities. The Commission insinuated that these actions were similar to mafia activities. The Commission made this assertion without even considering the purpose and reasons for which the organized workers took these actions, the cause they were defending and the result they sought to achieve. "Corruption" has been equated with restricting the so-called free market, the right of companies to operate sites as they see fit, in pursuit of private profit, even if the health and safety of workers and the public is threatened. In the voluminous report of the Charbonneau Commission, not a single page reveals the collusion between the government/public authority and companies like SNC-Lavalin from the point of view of the violation of the rights of workers and their health and safety.

On the contrary, it is the workers and their defence organizations that are accused of corruption and of activities akin to those of organized crime, which the Commission calls intimidation and collusion between workers.

That is why, in its recommendations, the Charbonneau Commission proposed an amendment to the Act respecting labour relations, vocational training and workforce management in the construction industry (R-20 legislation). The amendment changes the wording of the law from reference to the use of "intimidation or threats to cause an obstruction" to "intimidation or threats likely to cause an obstruction" and anyone found guilty would be subject to huge fines. The Charbonneau Commission also recommended that any union representative found guilty of violating these provisions would be prohibited from representing the workers for five years. The Quebec government was only too happy to implement this recommendation.

This is one of the ways that workers and their organizations pay the price for corruption between big business and the state.


This article was published in

Volume 49 Number 7 - March 2, 2019

Article Link:
SNC-Lavalin and the Charbonneau Commission - Pierre Chénier


    

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