Political Interference in the Case of SNC-Lavalin

Hearings of the Standing Committee on Justice
and Human Rights -- the Significance of
Wernick's Testimony

The Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights of the House of Commons heard from witnesses this week at the public hearings it is conducting "for the study of the Remediation Agreements, the Shawcross Doctrine and the Discussions between the Office of the Attorney General and Government Colleagues." On February 21 the committee heard from Attorney General David Lametti; Deputy Minister of Justice and Deputy Attorney General Nathalie Drouin and Clerk of the Privy Council Michael Wernick. On February 27 the Committee heard former Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould and, besides others, it is scheduled to hear Prime Minister Trudeau's former Principle Secretary Gerald Butts on March 6. Butts resigned his post on February 18, saying in his resignation letter that he did this so as to "not take one moment away from the vital work the Prime Minister and his office is doing for all Canadians."

The hearings are being held to address concerns regarding accusations of attempts by the Office of the Prime Minister to influence the course of criminal proceedings against SNC-Lavalin. The accusations were first revealed in an article by Robert Fife in the Globe and Mail on February 7 in which the claim was made, citing "sources," that members of the Prime Minister's Office "pressured" then Attorney General Jody Wilson Raybould to use her authority to get the director of public prosecutions to reverse her decision and offer a remediation agreement to SNC-Lavalin.[1] A remediation agreement would have resulted in the staying of criminal charges that the company is facing. SNC-Lavalin is appealing the decision.

What Michael Wernick's Testimony Reveals

Mr. Wernick chose to preface his testimony with opening remarks which have scandalized the country in various ways, not least of which is how he used the hearings as a "bully-pulpit"[2] to present personal views of an inflammatory and defensive nature, contrary to the people's understanding of the impartiality expected from a senior public servant.[3] In this regard, Wernick's views seemed to have the aim of intimidating any individual or political force in the country that dares to challenge the status quo and express an opinion contrary to that of the ruling elite as currently represented by the Trudeau government. He opened by saying, "A lot has been said and written in the last few weeks and I think there are a couple of things that need to be clarified. I worry about my country right now, I'm deeply concerned about my country right now and its politics and where it's headed. I worry about foreign interference in the upcoming election and we're working hard on that. I worry about the rising tide of incitements to violence, when people use terms like 'treason' and 'traitor' in open discourse. Those are the words that lead to assassination. I'm worried that someone is going to be shot in this country this year during the political campaign."

Wernick next made reference to remarks made by Conservative Senator Michael Tkachuk at a pro-pipeline rally on Parliament Hill. The Senator was reported in the press to have told the rally "I know you've rolled all the way here, and I'm going to ask you one more thing: I want you to roll over every Liberal left in the country, Because when they're gone these bills are gone." The reference was to two bills before Parliament and clearly to "roll over every Liberal left in the country" was an appeal for voters to defeat the Liberals in the upcoming October federal election. Wernick, however, said, "I think that it's totally unacceptable that a member of the Parliament of Canada would incite people to drive trucks over people, after what happened in Toronto last summer. Totally unacceptable and I hope that you, as parliamentarians, are going to condemn that."

To accuse Senator Tkachuk of calling for the equivalent of the van attack in Toronto in which 10 people were killed and 16 injured degrades political discourse in Canada. It also provides feedstock to the Trudeau government's rationale to justify putting the police in charge of elections and deciding what is and is not legitimate speech.

Having raised the spectre of assassinations and other violence, along with claims that the reputations of honourable people are "being besmirched and dragged through the market square," and reference to the "trolling from the vomitorium of social media entering the open media arena," Wernick said that "Most of all, I worry about people losing faith in the institutions of governance in this country, and that's why these proceedings are so important." He then sought to reassure Canadians that they have nothing to worry about concerning the rule of law in this country, because everything that was done was legal.

Are we to understand that because he is an experienced civil servant, one of whose main qualifications is to not get involved in partisan politics, the committee conducting the hearings should draw the same conclusion, that everything is legal and above-board? Wernick forcefully asserted that everything is working fine, "the prosecutor is independent," "the Lobbying Act worked as intended," "the ethics commissioner initiated his own process," "the shields held," the proof that the government is not "soft on corporate crime" is that "the company did not get what it wanted -- demonstrably, because they're seeking judicial review."

What is the purpose of this presentation?

Wernick made best efforts to present his actions as legal, along with those of others whose actions he is tasked with shielding from public scrutiny. But his testimony should in fact be seen as setting the stage for what is to come. Not without reason, he expressly conflated what is legal with what is presented as being "legitimate" for reasons of national security or job creation or a matter of being humanitarian, and the like. The most egregious violations of the fundamental principles guiding the rule of law nationally and internationally are dispensed with in the name of a cause said to make the actions "legitimate."

His personal concerns for his country served to raise alarm and create a climate of fear and suspicion of foreign actors and of one another, particularly in the context of the federal election, as a justification for increased police powers. This is the modus operandi paving the way to justify the criminalization of dissent and to silence all those who undermine the people's "faith in the institutions of governance in this country," the very point raised by the political police when they instruct political parties of what is "legitimate opinion" and what is not. Any opinion contrary to the official state position is considered to be "illegitimate." This is in line with measures taken to expand the role of the state's intelligence agencies in elections and the attempts to enforce officially sanctioned political opinion.

When everything is said and done it looks like Michael Wernick made the ultimate medieval chivalrous gesture of falling on his own sword, considering himself the consummate civil servant, devoted to defending the person of state in these troubled times. At a time the shameless pay-the-rich corruption and shenanigans of consecutive governments have shattered "faith in the institutions of governance," what the Clerk of the Privy Council has come to tell the nation amounts to saying, it is not only all "legal" but, more importantly, "legitimate" because of the high ideals involved to save jobs and, in any case, you are powerless to do anything about it. At a time, the "institutions of governance" are being called into question by the polity precisely because they are instruments to serve the rich, the servants of the Canadian state rise to defend this practice. In the corridors of power, laws can be snuck in which make whatever the rich demand legal, while the coterie in government, the highest position in the civil service, former justices of the Supreme Court and the media argue the merits, by making themselves the decision-makers on what is "legitimate" and what is not.

Notes

1. A Justice Department backgrounder titled "Remediation Agreements and Orders to Address Corporate Crime," states that remediation agreements can be used by prosecutors "at their discretion to address specified economic crimes if they consider it to be in the public interest and appropriate in the circumstances." It goes on to explain, "A remediation agreement would be a voluntary agreement between a prosecutor and an organization accused of committing an offence. Agreements would set out an end date and would need to be presented to a judge for approval. [...] While an agreement is in force, any criminal prosecution for conduct that is covered by the agreement would be put on hold. If the accused organization complies with terms and conditions set out in the agreement, the prosecutor would apply to a judge for an order of successful completion when the agreement expires. The charges would then be stayed and no criminal conviction would result. If the accused did not comply, the charges could be revived and the accused could be prosecuted and potentially convicted."

In considering a company for a remediation agreement, "if the organization is alleged to have committed an offence under section 3 or 4 of the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, the prosecutor must not consider the national economic interest, the potential effect on relations with a state other than Canada or the identity of the organization or individual involved." In other words, amongst the reasons that could be given for offering a remediation agreement, the future of the company is not a legal option available.

2. The term "bully pulpit" was coined by U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt, who referred to his office as a "bully pulpit," by which he meant a terrific platform from which to advocate an agenda. Roosevelt used the word bully as an adjective meaning "superb," "wonderful" or "first-rate," a more common usage at that time, not the noun bully ("a blustering, browbeating person"), that is common today. (Merriam-Webster Dictionary)

3. The Government of Canada's Privy Council website says the role of the Clerk "is to advise the Prime Minister and elected Government officials in managing the country. The Clerk does so from an objective, non-partisan, public policy perspective. He also ensures Canada's federal public service is managed effectively and follows a code of value and ethics in its work to design and deliver high quality services and programs for Canadians and their families."


This article was published in

Volume 49 Number 7 - March 2, 2019

Article Link:
Political Interference in the Case of SNC-Lavalin: Hearings of the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights -- the Significance of Wernick's Testimony - Barbara Biley


    

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