Canada's Arctic Foreign Policy
Make the Arctic a Zone of Peace! Actively Oppose Sell-Out and Warmongering Talk About a "North American Homeland!"
Unlike Panama and Greenland (part of Denmark), which have had the dignity to tell U.S. President Donald Trump their countries are not his to dispose of, Canada has not. Canada has caved in, whole hog, to U.S./NATO demands to hand over the Canadian Arctic to the U.S. for its plans to militarize the Arctic, use it as a base from which to attack Russia and China, and control the Northwest Passage as a coveted shipping route.
The Arctic is home to various Indigenous Peoples. There are the Inuit who have lived in the Arctic since time immemorial. They are one people despite their division in modern times across four different countries (Canada, the U.S., Russia and Denmark). This in no way eliminates their right to live as a free people entitled to preserve their way of life, enjoy standards of living second to none and control the decisions that affect their lives. Their call is to Make the Arctic a Zone of Peace and Canadians call for no less. Since the establishment of NATO, their lands have been used as a dump for nuclear waste and garbage, and to carry out military exercises which break sound barriers, threatening the people and the animals they depend on to live. In the 1950s, Inuit were forcibly relocated by the RCMP acting on behalf of the Department of Resources and Development to the High North to serve Cold War aims in the name of "Arctic Sovereignty." Indigenous Peoples living in the sub-Arctic regions of Canada -- the Dene in the west and the Innu in Labrador and northern Quebec -- also oppose the abuse of their lands by NATO warmongers.
Protest at the Goose Bay Air Force Base in
1988 against NATO low-level flight training over Nitassinan.
Although not related to the Inuit, the Sami people of Finland are also an Indigenous People of the Arctic region of Europe, similarly divided in modern times across Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. They face challenges similar to those faced by the Inuit for recognition of their rights and sovereignty. These will no doubt be exacerbated now that Norway, Sweden and Finland are all members of the U.S.-led NATO war alliance and have given their go-ahead for the widespread U.S./NATO militarization of Europe's Arctic by handing over territory for dozens of U.S. bases.
Yet Canada's Arctic Foreign Policy (AFP), announced by Foreign Minister Mélanie Joly on December 6, ignores this reality of the Arctic, who lives there and their needs and concerns. Instead, the AFP is a scurrilous mixture of disinformation, false allegations, fairy tales and pure bunkum to justify what cannot be justified. The Global Affairs Canada press release announcing the Government of Canada's decision to give up its sovereignty over the Arctic makes it appear to be the most sensible thing to do.[1] It states: "The Arctic is experiencing major change. The shifting geopolitical landscape, evolving security threats and acceleration of climate change are impacting the Arctic in unique ways and highlight the need for strong Canadian leadership to respond to the changing reality in the region."
In an effort to give it legitimacy and credibility, the government hopes that nobody knows that what it calls consultations are phony exercises in public relations and false encounters. The press release says:
"The launch of the AFP is the culmination of months of extensive engagement with territorial and provincial governments and Inuit, First Nations and Métis. The AFP was also informed by consultations with the Kingdom of Denmark; Finland; Iceland; Norway; Sweden; and the United States, Canada's like-minded Arctic partners.
"The AFP is a comprehensive diplomatic strategy for Canada's engagement in and on the Arctic. It provides expanded presence and partnerships to address current needs and the flexibility to adapt to future challenges. This approach complements the 2019 Arctic and Northern Policy Framework (ANPF), and it will allow Canada to continue to safeguard its sovereignty, advance national interests and promote a stable, prosperous and secure Arctic based on a shared vision for the region's future.
"The AFP is composed of four foreign policy pillars: asserting Canada's sovereignty; advancing Canada's interests through pragmatic diplomacy; leadership on Arctic governance and multilateral challenges; and adopting a more inclusive approach to Arctic diplomacy."
For all those paying attention to Canada's role in international affairs and who aspire for it to be a force for peace, it is well known that Canada's foreign policy priorities are set by the U.S. The government's aims, said to be "safeguarding Canada's sovereignty and advancing its national interests," are a fraud. The AFP is premised on submitting Canada's sovereignty and national interests to an agenda dictated by the U.S. and NATO. The AFP is also based on bolstering U.S. military control over North America through the North American Aerospace Defense Command, which is being "modernized" -- meaning further militarization of the Arctic -- as part of plans for confrontation with "foreign threats."[2]
It is in this vein that the AFP talks about the "North American Arctic," referring to "Alaska (the United States) in the west; northern Canada in the centre; and Greenland (the Kingdom of Denmark) in the east." Canada and Denmark are thus subsumed into the defence of U.S. national interests in the Arctic.
When it comes to Canada's Arctic, the main violators of Canadian sovereign and national interests in that region are the U.S. State Department and Pentagon, and the U.S.-led aggressive military alliance NATO. For decades U.S. nuclear subs have been prowling Canada's Arctic waters even when Canada was declaring its sovereignty over the Arctic. Yet Minister Joly, Minister of National Defence Bill Blair and other officials, in promoting the AFP, do not say a word about this.
Image charts U.S. submarine operations in
the Arctic Archipelago, 1958-1982
(Source: Waldo K Lyon
Papers)
B-36 Peacemaker heavy bomber in Maintenance
hangar in Goose Bay
Air Base in Labrador, circa 1955. In this period Goose Bay
Air Base became a key component in a NATO network of bases and
radar sites.
Joly stated, "We are in a tough world, and we need to be tough in our response. Competition is growing across the globe, and the Arctic is not immune. Many countries, including non-Arctic states, aspire for a greater role in Arctic affairs. The evolving security and political realities in the region mean we need a new approach to advance our national interests and to ensure a stable, prosperous and secure Arctic, especially for the Northerners and the Indigenous Peoples who call Arctic home."
For his part, Blair, ever the Voice of America, said of the AFP: "Climate change is increasing access to Arctic resources and shipping lanes, enticing nations to the region and heightening competition. This evolving environment creates new security challenges. Canada's Arctic Foreign Policy responds to these growing challenges with a focus on asserting our sovereignty in the North, while supporting prosperity for those living there. This new policy complements our defence policy, Our North, Strong and Free: A Renewed Vision for Canada's Defence, which will see us expand our presence in the North."
All of this verbiage regarding the need to be "tough" in the face of "heightening competition" and "new security challenges" are a euphemistic way to talk about the NATO agenda for war preparations and military confrontation with Russia and China, in lockstep with the U.S., without specifically naming them. However, the 37-page AFP itself is very preoccupied with presenting Russia and China as threats to justify the militarization of the Arctic.
The Global Affairs press release, and the AFP itself, speak about how the government has consulted the Indigenous Peoples of the north in working out the AFP, and that it recognizes their sovereignty and autonomy. Those consulted included the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (ITK) which deals directly with the federal government through the Inuit-Crown Partnership Committee, and Natan Obed, ITK President. Obed, in an interview on CBC Radio's The Current enthusiastically endorsed the AFP, saying that it will rectify the exclusion of the Inuit from having a say on matters of defence, security and sovereignty. He said this while acknowledging that the government has in the past used the Inuit as "pawns to assert Arctic sovereignty" and despite the fact the AFP does not even affirm Canadian sovereignty over the Arctic. Even though militarization of the Arctic is the centre piece of the AFP, Obed presented it in terms of "reconciliation" and "nation-building," claiming that it puts Inuit concerns front and centre. He spoke about how militarization of the Arctic with "mixed-use" infrastructure will be beneficial to communities that lack infrastructure. Canada's history and the reality of the AFP show that it has nothing to do with affirming Inuit rights, never mind defending Canada's sovereignty, but is a matter of bribes for funds and programs which in fact should be theirs by right.
In practice, the Trudeau Liberal government has made clear its pragmatism and lack of principles in its relations with Indigenous Peoples, where private interests always come first. Time and time again, consultations with Indigenous Peoples have been shown to be meaningless window dressing because the treaty and hereditary rights of Indigenous Peoples are not upheld as a matter of principle. All of this talk of consultations and inclusivity also covers up the longstanding rejection by the Indigenous Peoples of the north of the militarization of their territories.
A development is the establishment of the NATO Climate Change and Security Centre of Excellence in Montreal that opened in October 2023. It purports to address the "growing effects of a changing climate [that] pose direct and indirect threats to human and national security worldwide." It is similarly couched in language about how climate change "can threaten human life and well-being" and "amplifies existing vulnerabilities" and "disproportionately impacts vulnerable and marginalized groups, including women and girls and Indigenous Peoples." Of course climate change is having a drastic effect on the Arctic and other parts of the world, but to think that the war alliance NATO -- and all the carnage and genocide its members oversee in Gaza and elsewhere -- can provide solutions to this, by militarizing the Arctic and other such undertakings, beggars belief.
Canadians and Quebeckers have stated over and over in a multitude of ways, the call to Make Canada a Zone for Peace. They do not want Canada hitched to the U.S. war chariot and want it to take an independent path that upholds international peace. Canada's new Arctic Foreign Policy is anathema to their aspirations.
Note
1. The Trudeau's government's declaration of subservience to U.S. interests is evidence of further integration of Canada into the U.S. war economy and preparations. Some previous governments paid lip service to Canada's sovereignty over its Arctic region, but overall the trend to integrate Canada into the U.S. war preparations has defined Canada's Arctic policy. The government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper (2006-2015) openly disagreed with the particular interests represented by the Obama administration. For instance, following the 2006 federal election campaign Harper pounced on comments by David Wilkins, U.S. ambassador to Canada at the time, who reaffirmed the long-standing assertion by the U.S. that the Northwest Passage is an international strait through which international shipping has the right of passage. Harper stated, "We have significant plans for national defence and for defence of our sovereignty, including Arctic sovereignty; it is the Canadian people we get our mandate from, not the ambassador from the United States."
In June 2000, the government of Jean Chrétien released its policy document, The Northern Dimension of Canada's Foreign Policy. It had four policy objectives: to enhance the security and prosperity of Canadians; assert and ensure the preservation of Canada's sovereignty; to establish the Circumpolar region as a vibrant geopolitical entity integrated into a rules-based international system; and to promote the human security of northerners and the sustainable development of the Arctic.
2. In June 2022, the Trudeau Liberal government announced that it would contribute to the modernization of NORAD to the tune of at least $40 billion over 20 years, to be spent on new weapons systems and military infrastructure, including forward operating bases in Inuvik, Yellowknife, Iqaluit and Goose Bay, with a permanent presence of Canadian and American soldiers at each base.
On March 24, 2023, during U.S. President Joe Biden's visit to Canada, he and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau issued a joint statement that said:
"Our highest priority is to protect our citizens and our sovereign territory. We will invest in the modernization of the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD), including specifically:
"As part of a CAD$6.96 billion investment in surveillance system modernization, procuring and fielding two next generation Over-the-Horizon Radar (OTHR) systems covering the Arctic and Polar approaches, the first by 2028 to enhance early warning and domain awareness of North American approaches;
"CAD$7.3 billion in investments in the northern forward operating locations to support fifth generation aircraft and mobility/refueling assets, which capabilities should be in place prior to the arrival of the F-35 aircraft [in January 2023, Canada announced the purchase of 88 F-35s from Lockheed Martin for $19 billion to be delivered by the end of 2032 -- TML Ed. Note], including airfield improvements to accommodate aircraft personnel, fuel, and munitions, to ensure NORAD's ability to deter and defend against emerging threats to our air and sea space and compete with China and Russia for years to come.
"The Prime Minister confirmed that the funding for these investments would come from Canada's planned investments in defence infrastructure. These Canadian and U.S. efforts will bolster NORAD's ability to detect threats earlier and more precisely and respond effectively. In the face of global threats, the Leaders acknowledged the importance of investment in modern, ready, and capable forces in line with their commitments to NATO under the 2014 Wales Summit Defence Investment Pledge. Such investments enable effective contributions to NATO, United Nations, and other global missions."
This article was published in
Volume 54
Number 12 - December 2024
Article Link:
https://cpcml.ca/Tmlm2024/Articles/M540121.HTM
Website: www.cpcml.ca Email: editor@cpcml.ca