May 11, 2018 - No. 18
On the Victory
Over Fascism in Europe
Painting "The Triumph of the Conquering People," Mikhail Khmelko, 1949.
Captured Nazi flags and standards are piled in front of Lenin's tomb
TML Weekly is reproducing below "The Second World
War," a chapter from the 1946 book The Great Conspiracy: The Secret
War Against Soviet Russia, by Michael Sayers and Albert E. Kahn.
The chapter, which examines the years 1931 to 1941, is divided into two
sections. The first, "Munich," examines the policy of Appeasement and
the Munich Pact signed by the governments of Nazi Germany, Fascist
Italy, Great Britain and France in September 1938. The second section,
"World War II," examines the events from the invasion of Poland
September 1, 1939 through to the end of 1941 following the attack
on Pearl Harbour after which the war "entered its final decisive phase
as a global conflict between the forces of international Fascism and
the united armies of progressive mankind."
An introductory note to the book states: "None of the
incidents or dialogue in The Great Conspiracy has been invented
by the authors. The material has been drawn from various documentary
sources which are indicated in the text or listed in the Biographical
The Second World War by Michael Sayers and Albert E.
from the Great Conspiracy: The
Secret War Against Soviet Russia
"The fateful decade 1931-1941," the U. S. State
declared in its official publication Peace and War: United
States Foreign Policy, "began and ended with acts of
violence by Japan. It was marked by the ruthless development of a
determined policy of world domination on the part of Japan,
Germany and Italy."
Second World War began in 1931 with the Japanese invasion of
Manchuria on the pretext of saving Asia from Communism. Two years
later, Hitler overthrew the German Republic on the pretext of
saving Germany from Communism. In 1935 Italy invaded Ethiopia to
save it from "Bolshevism and barbarism." In 1936 Hitler
remilitarized the Rhineland; Germany and Japan signed the
Anti-Comintern Agreement; and German and Italian troops invaded
Spain on the pretext of saving it from Communism. ...
In 1937 Italy joined Germany and Japan in their
Anti-Comintern Agreement; Japan struck again in China, seizing
Peiping, Tientsin and Shanghai. The following year, Germany
seized Austria. The Berlin-Rome-Tokyo Axis was formed "to save
the world from Communism."
Addressing the Assembly of the League of Nations in
1937, the Soviet Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov said:
Under the mask of the
Anti-Comintern Agreement, Germany, Japan and Italy were marching
towards the conquest and enslavement of Europe and Asia.
We know three states which
recent years have made attacks on other states. With all the
difference between the regimes, ideologies, material and cultural
levels of the objects of attack, all three states justify their
aggression by one and the same motive -- the struggle against
Communism. The rulers of these states naively think, or rather
pretend to think, that it is sufficient for them to utter the
words "anti-Communism," and all their international felonies and
crimes will be forgiven them!
Two possible courses faced the world: unity of all
opposed to the Nazi, Fascist and Japanese aggression and the
halting of the Axis war menace before it was too late; or
disunity, the piecemeal surrender to aggression, and inevitable
Fascist victory. The Axis Propaganda Ministries, the agents of
Leon Trotsky, French, British and American reactionaries all
combined in the international Fascist campaign against collective
security. The possibility of unity against aggression was
attacked as "Communist propaganda"; dismissed as a "utopian
dream"; assailed as an "incitement to war." In its place was
offered the policy of Appeasement, the scheme of turning the
inevitable war into a united onslaught against Soviet Russia.
Nazi Germany made the most of this policy.
The British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, the
appeasement, said collective security would divide Europe into
"two armed camps."
The Nazi newspaper Nachtausgabe
declared in February
Speaking in Manchester on May 10,
1938, Winston Churchill replied:
We know now that the
Premier, like ourselves, regards Collective Security as nothing
Churchill was called a
We are told that we must
divide Europe into two armed camps. Is there then to be only one
armed camp? -- the Dictators' armed camp and a rabble of outlying
peoples, wandering around its outskirts, wondering which of them
is going to be taken first and whether they are going to be
subjugated or merely exploited?
In September 1938, the policy of Appeasement reached
culmination. The Governments of Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy,
Great Britain and France signed the Munich Pact -- the anti-Soviet
Holy Alliance of which world reaction had been dreaming since
The Pact left Soviet Russia without allies. The
Treaty, cornerstone of European collective security, was dead.
The Czech Sudetenland became part of Nazi Germany. The gates of
the East were wide-open for the Wehrmacht.
"The Munich Agreement," wrote Walter Duranty in The
and the People, "seemed to mark the greatest humiliation which
the Soviet Union had suffered since the Treaty of
The world awaited the Nazi-Soviet war.
Returning to England, waving a scrap of paper in his
with Hitler's signature on it, Neville Chamberlain cried:
It means peace in our time!
Twenty years before, the
British spy Captain Sidney George
Reilly had cried: "At any price this foul obscenity which has
been born in Russia must be crushed ... Peace with Germany!
Yes, peace with anybody! ... Peace, peace on any terms -- and
then a united front against the true enemies of mankind!
On June 11, 1938, Sir Arnold Wilson, Chamberlain's
in the House of Commons, declared:
Unity is essential and the
real danger to the world today
does not come from Germany or Italy . . . but from Russia.
the first victims of the anti-Soviet Munich Pact were not the
Soviet peoples. The first victims were the democratic peoples of
Europe. Once again, the anti-Soviet facade covered a betrayal of
In February 1939, the British and French Governments
recognized the Fascist dictatorship of Generalissimo Franco as
the legitimate government of Spain. In the last days of March,
after two and a half years of epic, agonizing struggle against
overwhelming odds, Republican Spain became a Fascist
On March 15, Czechoslovakia ceased to be an independent
state. Nazi Panzer divisions
rumbled into Prague. The Skoda
munitions works and twenty-three other arms factories, comprising
an armaments industry three times as great as that of Fascist
Italy, became Hitler's property. The pro-Fascist General Jan
Sirovy, one-time leader of the Czech interventionist armies in
Soviet Siberia, handed over to the German High Command the
arsenals, storehouses, a thousand planes and all the first-rate
military equipment of the Czechoslovakian Army.
On March 20, Lithuania surrendered its only port,
On Good Friday morning, April 7, Mussolini crossed the
Adriatic and invaded Albania. Five days later, King Victor
Emmanuel accepted the Albanian crown.
From Moscow, even as Hitler was moving into
Stalin warned the appeasement politicians of England and France
that their anti-Soviet policy would end in a disaster for
themselves. Stalin spoke in Moscow on March 10, 1939, before the
Eighteenth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet
The undeclared war, said Stalin, which the Axis powers
already waging in Europe and Asia, under the mask of the
Anti-Comintern Pact, was directed not only against Soviet Russia
but also, and now in fact primarily, against the interests of
England, France and the United States.
"The war is being waged," said Stalin, "by aggressor
which in every way infringe upon the interests of the
non-aggressive states, primarily England, France and the U.S.A.,
while the latter draw back and retreat, making concession after
concession to the aggressors ... without the least attempt at
resistance and even with a certain amount of connivance.
Incredible but true."
The reactionary politicians in the Western democracies,
particularly in England and France, said Stalin, had rejected the
policy of collective security. Instead, they still dreamed of an
anti-Soviet coalition camouflaged by diplomatic phrases like
"appeasement" and "non-intervention." But this policy, said
Stalin, was already doomed. Stalin added: " ... certain European
and American politicians and newspaper writers, having lost
patience waiting for 'the march on the Soviet Ukraine,' are
themselves beginning to disclose what is really behind the policy
of nonintervention. They are saying quite openly, putting it down
in black and white, that the Germans have cruelly 'disappointed'
them, for instead of marching farther east, against the Soviet
Union, they have turned west, you see, and are demanding colonies.
One might think that the districts of Czechoslovakia were yielded
to Germany as the price of an undertaking to launch war on the
Soviet Union, and that now the Germans are refusing to meet their
"Far be it from me," said Stalin, "to moralize on the
of non-intervention, to talk of treason, treachery and so on. It
would be naive to preach morals to people who recognize no human
morality. Politics is politics, as the old, case-hardened
bourgeois diplomats say. It must be remarked, however, that the
big and dangerous political game started by the supporters of the
policy of non-intervention may end in a serious fiasco for
The Soviet Union still wanted international
against aggressors and a realistic policy of collective security;
but, Stalin made clear, such co-operation must be genuine and
wholehearted. The Red Army had no intention of becoming a
cat's-paw for the appeasement politicians of England and France.
Finally, if the worst came, the Red Army was confident of its
own strength and of the unity and loyalty of the Soviet people.
As Stalin put it:
... in the case of war, the
rear and front of our army ... will be stronger than those of any other
country, a fact which
people beyond our border who love military conflicts would do
well to remember.
But Stalin's blunt, significant warning was ignored.
In April 1939, a poll of British public opinion showed
87 per cent of the English people were in favour of an
Anglo-Soviet alliance against Nazi Germany. Churchill saw the
Anglo-Soviet rapprochement as
"a matter of life or death." In a
speech on May 27, Churchill sharply declared:
On July 29 David Lloyd George
backed up Churchill's pleas with these words:
If His Majesty's
having neglected our defences, having thrown away Czechoslovakia
with all that Czechoslovakia means in military power, having
committed us to the defense of Poland and Roumania, now rejects
and casts away the indispensable aid of Russia, and so leads in
the worst of ways into the worst of wars, they will have ill-deserved
the generosity with which they have been treated by
their fellow countrymen.
The voices of the
British people and of English statesmen like Churchill and Lloyd
George went unheeded.
Mr. Chamberlain negotiated
directly with Hitler. He went to Germany to see him. He and Lord
Halifax made visits to Rome. They went to Rome, drank Mussolini's
health and told him what a fine fellow he was. But whom have they
sent to Russia? They have not even sent the lowest in rank of a
Cabinet minister; they have sent a clerk in the Foreign Office.
It is an insult. ... They have no sense of the proportion or of
the gravity of the whole situation when the world is trembling on
the brink of a great precipice. ...
"A hard and fast alliance with Russia," observed the
London Times, "would
hamper other negotiations."... 
As the summer of 1939 drew to a close and war in Europe
loomed ever nearer, William Strang, a minor Foreign Office
official whom Chamberlain had sent to Moscow, remained the only
British representative carrying on direct negotiations with the
Soviet Government. Public pressure forced Chamberlain to make
another show of negotiations with Russia. On August 11, a British
military mission arrived in Moscow to conduct joint staff talks.
The British mission had traveled from London on a thirteen-knot
vessel, the slowest possible means of transport. When the mission
arrived, the Russians learned it had no more authority than
Strang to sign any agreement with the Soviet Government. ...
Soviet Russia was to be isolated and left alone to face
Nazi Germany passively, if not actively, supported by the Munich-minded
governments of Europe.
Joseph E. Davies later described the choice that the
Government was forced to make. Writing to President Roosevelt's
advisor, Harry Hopkins, the former Ambassador to the Soviet Union
stated on July 18, 1941:
Twenty years after Brest-Litovsk, the
anti-Soviet politicians of Europe had again forced Soviet Russia
into an undesired, self-defensive treaty with Germany.
From my observations and
contacts, since 1936, I believe that outside of the President of
the United States alone no government in the world saw more
clearly the menace of Hitler to peace and the necessity for
collective security and alliances among non-aggressive nations
than did the Soviet government. They were ready to fight for
Czechoslovakia. They cancelled their non-aggression pact with
Poland in advance of Munich
because they wished to clear the
road for the passage of their troops through Poland to go to the
aid of Czechoslovakia if necessary to fulfill their treaty
obligations. Even after Munich and as late as the spring of 1939
the Soviet government agreed to join with Britain and France if
Germany should attack Poland or Roumania, but urged that an
international conference of non-aggressor states should be held
to determine objectively and realistically what each could do and
then serve notice on Hitler of their combined resistance. ...
The suggestion was declined by Chamberlain by reason of the
objection of Poland and Roumania to the inclusion of Russia. ...
During all the spring of 1939 the Soviets tried to
about a definite agreement that would assume unity of action and
co-ordination of military plans to stop Hitler.
Britain ... refused to give the same guarantees of
protection to Russia with reference to the Baltic states which
Russia was giving to France and Britain in the event of
aggression against Belgium or Holland. The Soviets became
convinced, and with considerable reason, that no effective,
direct and practical, general arrangement could be made with
France and Britain. They were driven to a pact of non-aggression
On August 24, 1939, the Soviet Union signed a
Pact with Nazi Germany.
2. World War II
On September 1,
1939, Nazi mechanized divisions invaded Poland at seven points.
Two days later, Great Britain and France declared war on Germany.
Within two weeks, the Polish regime, which under the influence of
the anti-Soviet "Colonels' clique" had allied itself with Nazism,
refused Soviet aid and opposed collective security, fell to
pieces, and the Nazis were mopping up the scattered remnants of
their former ally.
On September 17, as the Nazi columns raced across
the Polish Government fled in panic, the Red Army crossed the
prewar Polish eastern border and occupied Byelorussia, the
western Ukraine and Galicia before the Nazi Panzers could get
there. Moving swiftly westward, the Red Army occupied all the
territory which Poland had annexed from Soviet Russia in
"That the Russian armies should stand on this line was
clearly necessary for the safety of Russia against the Nazi
menace." ... declared Winston Churchill in a radio broadcast on
October 1. "An Eastern Front has been created which Nazi Germany
does not dare assail. When Herr von Ribbentrop was summoned to
Moscow last week it was to learn the fact, and accept the fact,
that the Nazi designs upon the Baltic states and upon the Ukraine must
come to a dead stop."
The advance of the Red Army to the west was the first
series of moves by the Soviet Union counterbalancing the spread
of Nazism and designed to strengthen Soviet defences in
preparation for the inevitable showdown with the Third Reich. ...
During the last week in September and the first days in
October, the Soviet Government signed mutual assistance pacts
with Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. These agreements specified
that Red Army garrisons and Soviet airports and naval bases were
to be established in the Baltic States.
There began immediately a wholesale deportation of the
Fifth Column in the Baltic area. Within a few days 50,000 Germans
had been deported from Lithuania, 53,000 from Latvia and 12,000
from Estonia. Overnight, the Baltic Fifth Columns so laboriously
built up by Alfred Rosenberg suffered a devastating blow, and the
German High Command lost some of its most strategic bases for the
contemplated attack on the Soviet Union.
But to the north, Finland remained as a potential
ally of the Third Reich.
The most intimate working relationship existed between
German and the Finnish High Commands. The Finnish military
leader, Baron Karl Gustav von Mannerheim, was in close and
constant communication with the German High Command. There were
frequent joint staff talks, and German officers periodically
supervised Finnish army manoeuvres. The Finnish Chief of Staff,
General Karl Oesch, had received his military training in
Germany, as had his chief aide, General Hugo Ostermann, who
served in the German Army during the First World War. In 1939,
the Government of the Third Reich conferred upon General Oesch
one of its highest military decorations. ...
Political relations between Finland and Nazi Germany
also close. The Socialist Premier Risto Ryti regarded Hitler as a
"genius"; Per Svinhufrud, the wealthy Germanophile who had been
awarded the German Iron Cross, was the most powerful
behind-the-scenes figure in Finnish politics.
With the aid of German officers and engineers, Finland
been converted into a powerful fortress to serve as a base for
the invasion of the Soviet Union. Twenty-three military airports
had been constructed on Finnish soil, capable of accommodating
ten times as many airplanes as there were in the Finnish Air
Force. Nazi technicians had supervised the construction of the
Mannerheim Line, a series of intricate, splendidly equipped
fortifications running several miles deep along the Soviet border
and having heavy guns at one point only twenty-one miles from
Leningrad. Unlike the Maginot Line, the Mannerheim Line had been
designed not only for defensive purposes but also for garrisoning
a major offensive force. As the Mannerheim Line neared completion
in the summer of 1939, Hitler's Chief of Staff, General Halder,
arrived from Germany and gave the massive fortifications a final
During the first week of October, 1939, while still
negotiating its new treaties with the Baltic States, the Soviet
Government proposed a mutual assistance pact with Finland. Moscow
offered to cede several thousand square miles of Soviet territory
on central Karelia in exchange for some strategic Finnish islands
near Leningrad, a portion of the Karelian Isthmus and a
thirty-year lease on the port of Hango for the construction of a
Soviet naval base. The Soviet leaders regarded these latter
territories as essential to the defense of the Red naval base at
Kronstadt and the city of Leningrad.
The negotiations between the Soviet Union and Finland
on into the middle of November without results. In order to reach
some agreement, the Soviet Government made a number of
compromises. "Stalin tried to teach me the wisdom of Finnish as
well as Soviet interest in compromise," declared the Finnish
negotiator, Juho Passikivi, upon his return to Helsinki. But the
pro-Nazi clique dominating the Finnish Government refused to make
any concessions and broke off the negotiations.
By the end of November, the Soviet Union and Finland
war. "The Finnish nation," declared the Finnish Government, "is
fighting for independence, liberty and honor. ... As the
outpost of Western civilization, our nation has the right to
expect help from other civilized nations."
The anti-Soviet elements in England and France believed
the long-awaited holy war was at hand. The strangely inactive war
in the west against Nazi Germany was the "wrong war." The real
war lay to the east. In England, France and the United States, an
intense anti-Soviet campaign began under the slogan of "Aid to
Prime Minister Chamberlain, who only a short time
asserted his country lacked adequate arms for fighting the Nazis,
quickly arranged to send to Finland 144 British airplanes, 114
heavy guns, 185,000 shells, 50,000 grenades, 15,700 aerial bombs,
100,000 greatcoats and 48 ambulances. At a time when the French
Army was in desperate need of every piece of military equipment
to hold the inevitable Nazi offensive, the French Government
turned over to the Finnish Army 179 airplanes, 472 guns, 795,000
shells, 5,100 machine guns and 200,000 hand grenades.
While the lull continued on the Western Front, the
High Command, still dominated by anti-Soviet militarists like
General Ironside, drew up plans for sending 100,000 troops across
Scandinavia into Finland, and the French High Command made
preparations for a simultaneous attack on the Caucasus, under the
leadership of General Weygand, who openly stated that French
bombers in the Near East were ready to strike at the Baku oil
Day after day the British, French and American
headlined sweeping Finnish victories and catastrophic Soviet
defeats. But after three months of fighting in extraordinarily
difficult terrain and under incredibly severe weather conditions,
with the temperature frequently falling to sixty and seventy
degrees below zero, the Red Army had smashed the "impregnable"
Mannerheim Line and routed the Finnish Army.
Hostilities between Finland and the Soviet Union ended
March 13, 1940. According to the peace terms, Finland ceded to
Russia the Karelian Isthmus, the western and northern shores of
Lake Lagoda, a number of strategic islands in the Gulf of Finland
essential to the defence of Leningrad. The Soviet Government
restored to Finland the port of Petsamo, which had been occupied
by the Red Army, and took a thirty-year lease on the Hango
peninsula for an annual rental of 8,000,000 Finnish marks.
Addressing the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. on March
undeclared war of Nazi Germany against Soviet Russia went on ...
The Soviet Union, having
smashed the Finnish Army and having every opportunity of
occupying the whole of Finland, did not do so and did not demand
any indemnities for its expenditures in the war as any other Power
would have done, but confined its desires to a minimum. ... We
pursued no other objects in the peace treaty than that of
safeguarding the security of Leningrad, Murmansk and the Murmansk
On the day that Finnish-Soviet hostilities ceased,
Mannerheim declared in a proclamation to the Finnish Army that
"the sacred mission of the army is to be an outpost of Western
civilization in the east." Shortly afterwards, the Finnish
Government began to construct new fortifications along the
revised frontier. Nazi technicians came from Germany to supervise
the work. Large armament orders were placed with Sweden and
Germany. German troops began arriving in considerable numbers in
Finland. The Finnish and the German commands set up joint
headquarters and held joint army manoeuvres. Scores of Nazi agents
swelled the staffs of the German Embassy at Helsinki and the
eleven consulates around the country. ...
The lull in the west came to a sudden end in the spring
1940. On April 9 German troops invaded Denmark and Norway.
Denmark was occupied in a single day without resistance. By the
end of the month the Nazis had crushed organized Norwegian
resistance, and the British troops, which had come to aid the
Norwegians, were abandoning their few precarious footholds. A
puppet Nazi regime was set up in Oslo under Major Vidkun
On May 10, Chamberlain tendered his resignation as
Minister, having brought his country to possibly the most
desperate situation in its long history. That same day, as the
King asked Winston Churchill to form a new cabinet, the German
Army invaded Holland, Belgium and Luxembourg. By May 21, the
Germans had smashed their way through crumbling opposition,
reached the Channel and cut off the Allies in Flanders.
Panic swept through France. Everywhere, the Fifth
at work. French troops were deserted by their officers. Whole
divisions found themselves without military supplies. Paul Reynaud
told the Senate that French Army chiefs had committed
"unbelievable errors." He denounced "traitors, defeatists and
cowards." Dozens of top-ranking French officers were suddenly
arrested. But the arrests came too late. The Fifth Column was
already in control of France.
The former French Minister of Aviation, Pierre Cot,
wrote in Triumph of Treason:
With every hour, confusion mounted and
the debacle grew, as the French soldiers fought on desperately,
hopelessly, and the world watched the betrayal of a nation on a
scale never witnessed before. ...
... the Fascists had their
own way in the country at large and in the Army. The
anti-Communist agitation was a smoke screen behind which was
being prepared the great political conspiracy that was to
paralyze France and facilitate Hitler's work. ... The most
efficient instruments of the Fifth Column ... were Weygand,
Pétain and Laval. At the Council of Ministers which was held at
Cangé, near Tours, on June 12, 1940, General Weygand urged the
government to end the war. His principal argument was that a
Communist revolution had broken out in Paris. He stated that
Maurice Thorez, General Secretary of the Communist Party, was
already installed in the Presidential Palace. Georges Mandel,
Minister of the Interior, immediately telephoned to the Prefect
of Police in Paris, who denied Weygand's statements; there was no
disturbance in the city, the population was quiet. ... As soon
as they had seized power amid the confusion of the collapse,
Pétain and Weygand, with the help of Laval and Darlan, hastened
to suppress all political liberties, gag the people, and set up a
From May 29 through June 4, the British Army evacuated
troops from Dunkirk, heroically rescuing 335,000 men.
On June 10, Fascist Italy declared war on France and
On June 14, Paris fell, and Pétain, Weygand,
Trotskyite Doriot became the Nazi puppet rulers of France.
On June 22, an armistice between Germany and France was
signed in the Compiegne Forest in the very same railroad car in
which Marshal Foch had dictated the terms of surrender to the
defeated Germans twenty-two years before.
As France crumbled, the Red Army again moved swiftly to
strengthen the defences of the Soviet Union.
In the middle of June, forestalling an imminent Nazi Putsch
in the Baltic States, Soviet armored divisions occupied Estonia,
Latvia and Lithuania.
On June 27, the Red Army moved into Bessarabia and
Bukovina, which Rumania had snatched from the Russians after the
The Soviet Union and Nazi Germany now faced one another
their future battle lines.
Toward the end of July, the Nazis launched mass air
over London and other English cities, pouring down tons of
explosives upon the civilian population. The raids, which
increased in ferocity throughout the next month, were intended to
terrify and paralyze the whole nation, and swiftly bring an
already gravely weakened England to her knees.
But with Churchill as Prime Minister profound changes
taking place within Great Britain. The confusion and division
which had resulted from Chamberlain's leadership had given way to
determination and growing national unity. Across the narrow
Channel the British people saw the workings of the Fifth Column.
Churchill's Government acted swiftly and with resolution.
Scotland Yard and British Intelligence swooped down on Nazi
agents, British Fascists and leaders of secret Fifth Column
intrigues. In a sudden raid on the London headquarters of the
British Union of Fascists, the authorities seized important
documents and arrested many Fifth Columnists. The leader of the
British Fascist Party, Sir Oswald Mosley, was arrested in his own
apartment. More sensational arrests followed. John Beckett, a former
Member of Parliament and founder of the anti-Soviet and pro-Nazi
People's Party; Captain A. H. Ramsay, Tory Member of Parliament
for Peebles; Edward Dudley Elan, an official in the Ministry of
Health, his wife Mrs. Dacre Fox, and other prominent Pro-Nazis
and Fascists were arrested. A Treachery Bill was passed,
providing the death penalty for traitors.
Showing that it had learned well the lesson of France
the Moscow Trials, the British Government in July 1940 announced
the arrest of Admiral Sir Barry Domvile, former Director of Naval
Intelligence. Domvile, a friend of Alfred Rosenberg and of the
late General Max Hoffmann, had been involved in most of the
anti-Soviet conspiracies since 1918. At the time of his arrest,
Domvile was the head of a secret pro-Nazi society in England
called The Link which was
organized with the aid of Heinrich
Himmler, Chief of the Gestapo. . . .
Assured against treachery from within, the British
faced the ordeal of the Nazi air blitz without flinching, and
defended themselves. On the single day of September 17, 1940, the
RAF downed no less than 185 German planes over England.
Meeting such fierce and unexpected resistance, and
the Red Army on his eastern borders, Hitler paused at the
Channel. He did not invade the British Isles. ...
The year was 1941. An air of tense expectancy hung over
whole of Europe as Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany, the two
greatest military powers in the world, prepared to lock in
On March 1, the Germans entered Sofia, and Bulgaria
On April 6, after a popular revolt had overthrown
Prince Paul's Yugoslavian regime and Nazi agents were forced to
flee the country, the Soviet Government signed a non-aggression
pact with the new Yugoslavian Government. That same day, Nazi
Germany declared war on Yugoslavia and invaded it.
On May 5, Stalin became Premier of the U.S.S.R. ...
At four o'clock on the morning of June 22, 1941,
declaration of war, Hitler's tanks, air force, mobile artillery,
motorized units and infantry were hurled across the borders of
the Soviet Union on a stupendous front stretching from the Baltic
to the Black Sea.
Later that morning Goebbels broadcast Hitler's war
proclamation. It read in part:
Italy, Rumania, Hungary
and Finland joined the Nazi war on Soviet Russia. Special Fascist
contingents were raised in France and Spain. The united armies of
a counterrevolutionary Europe had launched a Holy War against the
Soviets. The Plan of General Max Hoffmann was being tested in
German people! At this
a march is taking place that, as regards extent, compares with
the greatest the world has hitherto seen. United with their
Finnish comrades, the fighters of the victory of Narvik are
standing in the Northern Arctic. German divisions commanded by
the conqueror of Norway, in co-operation with the heroes of
Finnish freedom, under their marshal, are protecting Finnish
soil. Formations of the German eastern front extend from East
Prussia to the Carpathians. German and Rumanian soldiers are
united under Chief of State Antonescu from the banks of the Pruth
along the lower reaches of the Danube to the shores of the Black
Sea. The task of this front, therefore, no longer is the
protection of single countries, but the safeguarding of Europe
and thereby the salvation of all.
On November 11, 1941, the American Undersecretary of
Sumner Welles, said in a speech at Washington:
Twenty-three years ago
Woodrow Wilson addressed the Congress of the United States in
order to inform the representatives of the American people of the
terms of the Armistice which signalized the victorious conclusion
of the First World War. . . . Less than five years later,
shrouded in the cerements of apparent defeat, his shattered body
was placed in the grave beside which we are now gathered. ...
question which every American citizen
must ask himself on this day of commemoration is whether the
world in which we have to live would have come to this desperate
pass had the United States been willing in those years which
followed 1919 to play its full part in striving to bring about a
new world order based on justice and on "a steadfast concert for
peace." ... A cycle in human events is about to come to an end. ... The
American people ... have entered the Valley of
On December 7, 1941, without warning, Japanese bombing
planes and battleships attacked the United States of America.
Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy declared war on the United States. ...
On December 9, in an address to the American people,
President Roosevelt said:
The course that Japan has
followed for the past ten years in Asia has paralleled the course
of Hitler and Mussolini in Europe and Africa. Today, it has
become far more than a parallel. It is collaboration so well
calculated that all the continents of the world, and all the
oceans, are now considered by the Axis strategists as one
In 1931, Japan invaded
Manchukuo -- without warning.
Italy invaded Ethiopia -- without warning.
In 1938, Hitler occupied
Austria -- without warning.
In 1939, Hitler invaded
Czechoslovakia -- without
Later in 1939, Hitler invaded
Poland -- without warning.
Hitler invaded Norway, Denmark, Holland, Belgium and Luxembourg --
In 1940, Italy attacked
France and later Greece --
In 1941, Hitler invaded
Russia -- without warning.
And now Japan has attacked
Malaya and Thailand -- and
United States -- without warning.
It is all of one pattern.
The masks were off. The
secret war of the Axis Anti-Comintern against Soviet Russia had
merged with the world war against all free peoples.
On December 15, 1941, in a Message to Congress,
In 1936 the Government of
Japan openly associated itself with Germany by entering the
anti-Comintern Pact. This pact, as we all know, was nominally
directed against the Soviet Union; but its real purpose was to
form a league of fascism against the free world, particularly
against Great Britain, France and the United States.
The Second World War had entered its final decisive
a global conflict between the forces of international Fascism and
the united armies of progressive mankind.
1. On September 24, 1938, with the
on Czechoslovakia, the leading editorial in the Socialist Appeal,
New York Trotskyite newspaper declared: "Czechoslovakia is one of
the most monstrous national abortions produced by the labors of
the infamous Versailles conference. ... Czechoslovakia's democracy
has never been more than a shabby cloak for advanced capitalist
exploitation. ... This perspective necessarily entails the firmest
revolutionary opposition to the Czechoslovakian bourgeois state,
under any and all circumstances."
Under such pseudo-revolutionary slogans, the
throughout Europe and America carried on an incessant campaign
against the defence of small nations from Axis aggression and
against collective security. As Abyssinia, Spain, North and
Central China, Austria and Czechoslovakia were invaded one after
another by Germany, Italy and Japan, the members of Trotsky's
Fourth International spread throughout the world the propaganda
that collective security was an "incitement to war." Trotsky
asserted "the defense of the national State" was really "a
reactionary task." In his pamphlet, The
War, which was used as basic propaganda material by the
Trotskyites in their fight against collective security, Trotsky
The defence of the national
State, first of all in
Balkanized Europe -- is in the full sense of the word a
reactionary task. The national State with its borders, passports,
monetary system, customs and the army for the protection of
customs has become a frightful impediment to the economic and
cultural development of humanity. Not the defence of the national
State is the task of the proletariat but its complete and final
Trotsky's followers and sympathizers in Europe and
conducted a bitter struggle against the Popular Front in France,
the Spanish Republican Government and other patriotic,
anti-Fascist mass movements which were trying to achieve national
unity within their own countries and collective security
agreements with the Soviet Union. The Trotskyite propaganda
declared these movements would only involve their countries in
war. "The Stalinist version of the United Front," declared C. L.
James, a leading British Trotskyite, "is not unity for action but
unity to lead all workers into imperialistic war."
Trotsky himself ceaselessly "warned" against the
involved in an Axis defeat at the hands of the nonaggressor
nations. "A victory of France, of Great Britain and the Soviet
Union ... over Germany and Japan," Trotsky declared at the
Hearings in Mexico in April 1937, "could signify first a
transformation of the Soviet Union into a bourgeois state and the
transformation of France into a fascist state, because for a
victory over Hitler it is necessary to have a monstrous military
machine.... A victory can signify the destruction of fascism in
Germany and the establishment of fascism in France."
In this way Trotsky and his fellow propagandists worked
hand-in-glove with the appeasers and with the Axis Propaganda
Ministries to persuade the people of Europe that collective
security was war-mongering and that those agencies attempting to
achieve it were "Stalinist" tools.
2. On the day that the Nazi Army
entered Prague, a delegation
of the Federation of British Industries was in Düsseldorf drawing
up the final details of a comprehensive agreement with German big
In July the British press carried the sensational
that Robert S. Hudson, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of
Trade, had been with Dr. Helmuth Wohlthat, Hitler's economic
adviser, to discuss the possibility of a British loan of
51,000,000 pounds to Nazi Germany.
By no means all British big businessmen were in
the policy of appeasing the Nazis. On June 8, the banker and coal
magnate Lord Davies declared in the House of Lords: "The Russian
Government know perfectly well that in certain quarters in this
country there is lurking a hope that the German Eagles would fly
eastwards and not westwards, as it was apparently intended they
should do at the time when Hitler wrote Mein Kampf." ...
Regarding Chamberlain's negotiations with the Soviet Government,
Lord Davies said, "Sometimes I wonder whether, even now, the
Cabinet are really in earnest or whether these negotiations are
not merely another sop to public opinion."
3. In June 1940 the Institute
for Propaganda Analysis in New
York City reported: "The American press told less truth and
retailed more fancy lies about the Finnish war than about any
4. At 10:30 P.M. on the night of
Saturday, May 10, 1941, a
German Messerschmitt plane plummeted earthward over Lanarkshire,
Scotland, and buried its nose in a field near Dungavel Castle,
property of the young Duke of Hamilton. A former employee on the
Duke's estate saw the flare of the fallen plane and then the slow,
white plume of a descending parachute. Armed with a pitchfork he
ran out to find a man lying on the ground with a broken ankle.
The man was Rudolph Hess, Adolf Hitler's Deputy.
"Take me to the Duke of Hamilton," said Hess, speaking
English. I have come to save humanity!"
Hess hoped through Hamilton and his friends to gain
Tory backing for the Nazi attack on Soviet Russia.
Sir Patrick Dollan, Lord Provost of Glasgow, Scotland,
on June 11, 1941: "Hess came here ... in the belief that he could
remain in Scotland two days, discuss his peace proposals with a
certain group and be given a supply of petrol and maps to enable
him to return to Germany and tell them the results of his
Referring to the Hess Mission in his speech of November
1941, Stalin declared: "The Germans knew that their policy of
playing upon the contradictions between the classes in separate
states, and the contradictions between these states and the
Soviet Union, had already produced results in France, the rulers
of which had allowed themselves to be intimidated by the spectre
of revolution, had refused to resist, and terror-stricken had
placed their native land under the heel of Hitler. The German-fascist
strategists thought the same thing would occur with Great Britain
and the United States of America. The notorious Hess was sent to
Britain by the German fascists for this very purpose, in order to
persuade the British politicians to join the general campaign
against the U.S.S.R. But the Germans gravely miscalculated.
Rudolph Hess became a prisoner of the British Government."
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