The Marxist-Leninist Weekly

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Posters marking anniversaries of Soviet power -- click to enlarge.

The Birth of the New

Celebration of the 99th anniversary of the Great October Revolution in Samara,
Russia's sixth largest city, November 7, 2016.

November 7 marked the beginning of the centenary year of the Great October Socialist Revolution led by the great V.I. Lenin. The October Revolution of 1917 shook the old world and a new world came into being. Its victory signalled the end of the First World War, a terrible war fought between imperialist countries for the re-division of the world.

The October Revolution created the first socialist state and the conditions for the development of Soviet power. This power routed the intervention by 14 countries, including Canada, to overthrow the political and state power seized by the working class and its allies in Russia. On the basis of this power, socialism was constructed in the most spectacular way. Among other achievements, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was established in 1922, bringing together the nations of the former Russian Empire. The country was industrialized with unprecedented speed, and in 1936 it enacted what came to be known as the Stalin Constitution, the most democratic and modern constitution the world had seen. The Soviet Union then earned its place in the annals of history for routing Nazi fascism and Japanese militarism during World War Two in the most heroic struggle humankind has witnessed to date.

This is why the Great October Socialist Revolution became an event of colossal historic significance. Even though the Union of peoples and the nation-building project borne from this revolution no longer exists, the path blazed by this revolution to give rise to the New still guides all those engaged in the same today.

Following the fall of the former Soviet Union and the former people's democracies, reactionary reforms were put in place in those countries and on the world scale the retreat of revolution set in. The old world was extremely cocky and exuded confidence that its nightmare of 1917 had come to an end. However, the results of the restoration of capitalism and bourgeois rule of law in the former Soviet Union and the vicious capitalist anti-social offensive carried out under the guise of globalization and free trade are such that far from the promised freedom, democracy and human rights, the world is faced with a monstrous behemoth in the form of the U.S. police powers wielded by the oligopolies and their champion who now occupies the presidency of the United States. Within this dangerous situation, the experience achieved by the proletariat and fighting peoples of the world which gave birth to the New as enshrined by the Great October Socialist Revolution has far from dissipated. What took place in the former Soviet Union and former people's democracies is of utmost concern to the peoples of the world today to help them find a way forward out of the crisis into which the imperialist powers have plunged the world.

The centenary year of the Great October Socialist Revolution is the occasion to review this experience, from the perspective of starting from the present and going into the past, for purposes of discerning a way forward for humankind today. Since the fall of the USSR, the imperialist bourgeoisie has managed to impose their Rule of Lawlessness over the entire world. The conflicts and worsening conditions of the peoples all over the world are without precedent. In the countries where imperialist democracy prevails, the peoples have become completely disenfranchised and the old way of legitimating bourgeois rule through elections lies in tatters. Today, anarchy and violence prevail in all spheres of life. Economics, politics, social and cultural affairs are deprived of the human factor/social consciousness and societies are imbued with anti-social aims. Abject poverty on one pole and obscene riches on the other go hand in hand with the broad scale removal of people from the affairs of the polity.

From revolution to counter-revolution, history has its own twists and turns. But on this occasion, TML Weekly expresses its highest regard for the working class and people who made the Great October Socialist Revolution and gave birth to the New. We express complete confidence that humankind will make sure the cause of the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917, when the salvoes which marked the dawn of the new world were fired, is held high and taken further to victory. Humankind will again bring forth revolutions like the one championed by the Great Lenin, informed by the teachings of the classics of Marxism-Leninism which continue to be a living guide to turn the successes humankind has achieved to date into lasting victory.

The Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) will avail itself of the centenary year of the Great October Socialist Revolution to hold seminars and other events to review and discuss the significance of the revolution today. We call on the workers and youth to lead the discussions and on all Canadians to join in.

Leninism: An Ideology Indispensable for
Opening the Path for the Progress of Society

V.I. Lenin declares Soviet power at the historic meeting of the Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets at Bolshevik headquarters, St. Petersburg, Russia, November 7, 1917.
(Detail from "Lenin proclaims Soviet power" by Vladimir Serov, 1947)

This article is based on an original manuscript written in 1994 by Hardial Bains. It was
edited for publication under this title in 2007 by the Central Committee of CPC(M-L) on the occasion of the 90th Anniversary of the Great October Revolution and published in TML, November 7, 2007.

***

The victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia in 1917 was the most outstanding example of work guided by the outlook of Leninism. It proved that for the working class to be successful in its nation-building project to move society forward, it must be guided by the most advanced theory at each stage of its development based on its own ideological and world outlook. This is not a matter of choice; it is a necessity. Any individual, collective, political movement or party that did not take up the outlook of Leninism at the beginning of the twentieth century failed, and in Europe many degenerated into European socialism and chauvinism.

Leninism was not a peculiar leftwing extremist ideology, which could be characterized as good or as bad as any other ideology that one could choose, be it liberalism, social democracy or some variation. Leninism was the renaissance ideology of that time and space, the outlook necessary to respond to the exigencies of the here and now, to deal with the political, social and cultural problems of the day to move society forward and open the door to progress. Leninism was the natural development of the renaissance outlook of 18th century Europe and the Marxist ideology of the international proletariat of the nineteenth century.

Renaissance Outlook

The Renaissance challenge to medievalism was the necessary outlook guiding the industrial revolution and bourgeois nation-building projects in England and northern Europe and the organization and victory of the 1789 French Revolution over the ruling elite of landlords and clerics and their state-organized political, intellectual and military forces. The state medievalist outlook based on Divine Right of Kings had to be overthrown for society to progress. Scientific discoveries could not be transformed into consistent practice throughout society and the economy in the absence of an ideology that recognizes that the basis for change, development and motion is found in internal contradictions with external conditions as the extenuating circumstances. The Renaissance outlook and thinking provided the ideology for the victory of capitalism over feudalism, mass industrial production over petty production, science over superstition and idealism, and modern bourgeois organization based on bourgeois "people's" democracy over absolutism, rule by decree and the Divine Right of Kings. The Renaissance outlook prepared the subjective conditions necessary to resolve the internal contradictions of the objective conditions that were ripe for change in medieval Europe, in particular the main contradiction between the advanced productive forces and the backward relations of production. The internal contradiction of medieval Europe, resolved through revolution, corresponds to Canada's present unresolved internal contradiction between the advanced socialized productive forces and the backward private monopoly-controlled relations of production.

Marxism

In the conditions of the development of capitalism in the nineteenth century, Marxism was the development of the Renaissance ideology explaining: the origin of profit from the work-time of the working class transforming natural resources; the internal motive force within society as class struggle and under conditions of capitalism that the leading force can only be the working class; and, that class struggle led by the working class must overthrow capitalism and replace it with socialism. Marxism laid bare the backwardness and shortcomings of existing European philosophy and provided the working class and all humanity with a consistent outlook of dialectical and historical materialism and the insistence that "philosophers have hitherto interpreted the world, the point however is to change it." Marxism was the required ideology of the period of the infancy of capitalism, the birth of the modern working class and development of the objective conditions to replace capitalism with socialism leading to the emancipation of the working class and the elimination of social classes and class society.

Leninism

Leninism was the renaissance ideology required by the working class in the conditions of the development of capitalism to its mature stage of monopoly ownership and rule at the end of the nineteenth century. Monopoly capitalism is the merging of industrial and banking capital into finance capital and its creation of a bureaucratic militarized state and aggressive imperialism. The objective conditions for proletarian revolution were mature, unleashing the necessity to organize the subjective conditions. Leninism provided the scientific guide and outlook to accomplish that historic mission. The necessity had arisen to organize the working class as an independent political force with its own thinking, outlook, headquarters, defence organizations and vision for a socialist future free from the rule of the capitalists and their bureaucratic militarized state. Only in Russia did Leninism guide the working class and peasantry with consistency and steadfastness resulting in the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917.

Modern Communism

In the conditions of the twenty-first century, modern communism is the required ideology. Today, modern communism is the renaissance theory based on the outlook needed by the working class and people to guide their struggles to victory. Unless individuals, collectives, political movements and parties take up the outlook of modern communism and elaborate modern definitions for all social, political, economic and cultural issues confronting humanity, the necessity for change cannot be fulfilled.

Modern communism is not a peculiar leftwing extremist ideology, which can be characterized as being as good or as bad as any other ideology that one could choose, be it liberalism, social democracy or some variation. Modern communism is the renaissance ideology of this time and space, the outlook necessary to respond to the exigencies of the here and now, to deal with the political, social and cultural problems of the day to move society forward and open the door to progress leading to the emancipation of the working class and the elimination of social classes and class society worldwide. Modern communism requires an individual act of conscious participation in the act of finding out to build the alternative based on recognition of the Necessity for Change.

Leninism and the Victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution

Leninism built a political organization of the working class based on dedication to the vision to overthrow the capitalist state and replace it with a socialist state that could prepare conditions for the emancipation of the working class. The Leninist political party of the working class developed rules and structures consistent with the level of the working class and its needs in the here and now, especially democratic centralism, a spirit of sacrifice for the cause of the working class and contempt for betrayal of the socialist vision, and a sense of self-confidence that workers and peasants are their own liberators. The Leninist communist party did everything in its power to raise the thinking, outlook and organization of the workers and peasantry to the level necessary to overthrow the ruling capitalist class.

Leninism and the October Socialist Revolution pioneered a model for Russian communists based on their revolutionary practice in confronting their own capitalist class and ruling elite. Leninism developed Marxism under the conditions of the highest stage of capitalism, imperialism and the proletarian revolution. Leninism and the revolutionary activity of the working class and people transformed in practice the Russian proletariat, turning it into an advanced contingent of the international proletariat offering its resources to develop the international communist and workers' movement for the emancipation of the working class and liberation of the oppressed peoples from the colonial yoke.

Leninism taught in practice that each and every contingent of the international working class had to create models out of their own revolutionary practice. "We are our own models!" needed to resound wherever workers were organizing. Revolutionary models based on the thinking and practice of communists and workers energize and give material meaning to the difficult work of communists leading the working class within their national boundaries, confronting their own capitalist class and ruling elite.

Marxism developed to Leninism was the theoretical expression of the material developments with the maturing of capitalism into monopoly, its spread throughout the world and the consequent growth and maturing of the working class itself. Leninism was the guide to organizing the working class and peasantry and moving them towards revolution in the early decades of the twentieth century in every national setting. The unity of the international proletariat developed with its material expansion and by successfully organizing the working class in each national setting as an independent voice and material force for revolution and as a sure thinking base and contingent of the international communist and workers' movement for the emancipation of the working class.

Detractors of Leninism, both within Russia and the Soviet Union and abroad, used the Russian model, which emerged from the revolutionary practice within Russia, to block the development of revolutionary models based on the practice of the communists and the working class in each national setting guided by the ideology of Leninism. These detractors stopped the development of Marxist-Leninist theory and thinking communists by converting Leninism into a dogma and not taking it up as a guide to analyze the concrete conditions prevailing in each national setting and the actions necessary to create the subjective conditions on the basis of Leninist organization and tactics. Certain detractors from Leninism introduced into Canada models from the Soviet Union to block the development of Canadian models based on revolutionary practice and thinking in confronting the Canadian reality and ruling elite. This blocked the Leninist outlook from taking root among Canadians as a guide to developing the communist and workers' movement in Canada to achieve its inherent aim.

On a world scale, detractors from Leninism did everything in their power to block the use of Marxism-Leninism as a guide to action and supplanted it with exceptionalism. This was most notable in the U.S. when Earl Browder captured leadership of the Communist Party of the U.S. and introduced the exceptionalist line of "progressive" U.S. imperialism, which did not require its revolutionary overthrow. In Canada, the line of exceptionalism declared Canadian democracy a "model" and gave rise to the Liberal Labour Alliance whereby the role of the communist was to join forces with social democrats to deliver the vote of workers to the Liberal Party. Elsewhere the anti-Leninist line of exceptionalism was pushed in agrarian countries as socialism with specific national characteristics, as if fire, gravity or any science has "national characteristics." These attacks, such as importing models and its flipside of exceptionalism, were directed against the science of Marxism-Leninism and to block its development within the concrete conditions of the here and now and the Necessity for Change.

In Canada, the revolutionary youth confronted the importing of models and exceptionalism. Denouncing exceptionalism as an attack on science and a return to medievalism, the revolutionary youth insisted on the necessity to have our own models based on our own revolutionary practice. This enabled the Canadian communists and the working class to develop their own work based on their own conditions and thinking guided by the most advanced ideology. This led to the affirmation and deepening of Leninism in the conditions of the last decades of the twentieth century and to the renovation and reaffirmation of Leninist principles on organization and tactics when the revolution went into retreat by the turn of the century. The leadership of CPC(M-L) insisted on contemporary Marxist-Leninist Thought as the basic ideology guiding our thinking and on the conscious participation of each and every individual communist and worker in revolutionary practice to build an alternative, giving rise to the Necessity for Change analysis from which arose the motto of CPC(M-L), The Party's Deed Is Its Word. In this way the Canadian working class can assume its proper place among other national contingents of the international proletariat organizing and fighting for the emancipation of the working class and the elimination of classes and class society.

Leninism and the October Socialist Revolution moved theory forward and added to the ideological richness or storehouse of Marxism and the Renaissance outlook. Lenin showed in practice that theory is a living thing that must develop with the changing conditions. This neither negates existing theory nor supplants it with something else but adds to the basic richness of the science of communism, which is the movement for the emancipation of the working class and the elimination of class society and classes internationally.

The October Socialist Revolution proved that socialist revolution can be done. Leninism and subsequent developments in the twentieth century disproved in practice the theory of European socialism that society could advance through class conciliation with pro-worker representatives taking over and winning leading positions within the capitalist state machinery and pressuring the ruling elite and capitalists to make socialist concessions for the good of humanity. Leninism proved that socialism was possible only through the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism and the ruling elite, and by establishing the working class as the ruling class with its own state machinery, especially its own military. The defeat of the Paris Commune of 1871 had already proved that European socialism was the basis for the bourgeoisie's nation-building project, later establishing social-democracy as the form of rule after capitalism passed from its laissez-faire stage into state monopoly capitalism and the liberal-democratic form of rule. The Marxist conclusion was that the working class needed to create from scratch its own nation-building state with its own military and could not simply take control of the existing capitalist state and its institutions. The October Revolution showed in practice that the working class could seize power, discard the capitalist state machinery and replace it with new governing institutions of its own making, such as the Soviets of Workers and Peasants and the Red Army.

The development of the renaissance ideology to Marxism, Leninism and Contemporary Marxist-Leninist Thought constitutes the modern communism of today and represents a guide and vision for the emancipation of the working class and the elimination of classes and class society. Modern communism is a practical guide to thinking and action in the present time and space, as Leninism was in the here and now at the dawn of the twentieth century. Modern communism is a vision that must be concretized in the here and now, by recognizing the necessity to build the organizations that move the working class and society forward towards its vision. Modern communism opens the door to progress, to accomplish those big revolutionary leaps, such as the French and October Revolutions, that take years in the making but when they occur propel social conditions forward with breakneck speed.

The general task facing the communists is the organizing of the working class into its own communist organization and to prepare itself to assume political and economic power and build socialism as the transition to the emancipation of the working class, towards attaining the vision of communism and a classless society.

Lenin speaking to the workers at the Putilov Factory, May 1917. (Painting by I. Brodsky)

Modern communism is bound up with the emancipation of the working class internationally and cannot reach its goal of emancipation of the working class and a classless society without the vast majority of the world's proletariat uniting in this project. The October Revolution established Russia as a liberated homeland of the international proletariat providing contingents everywhere around the world with concrete support and inspiration for their own organizing and revolutionary efforts.

International unity of the proletariat is concretized in the many working class nation-building projects based on the concrete conditions of the time and space in which they unfold, the here and now and its necessity for change, which is the alternative the working class strives for and consciously organizes. The international movement of the proletariat depends on each and every nation-building project led by the working class. Every nation-building project depends on the solidarity and unity of the international proletariat and the joint effort to defeat the imperialist system of states. The October Socialist Revolution established a base from which the support for the international proletariat was concretized. Detractors of Leninism used this base as a substitute for building a revolutionary base within their own national boundaries. They rested on the victory of the October Socialist Revolution and became organizers of solidarity for the Soviet Union as their end all and be all rather than working to transform their own national proletariat into another liberated contingent of the international proletariat and support the Soviet Union from that standpoint. The quantification of liberated contingents of the international proletariat provides a guarantee that the successes achieved by the movement for emancipation of the international working class can be transformed into the victory of the elimination of classes and class society worldwide. The Russian people and other nations that were to become the Soviet Union took a step towards the emancipation of the international working class and a classless society with the victory of the October Socialist Revolution. They opened the door to progress. Workers, peasants and revolutionary anti-colonialists around the world were energized by the October Revolution, which deprived the imperialists of one world market and an international system of states under their thumb, creating a flow. Everywhere, at all levels of struggle whether working class or anti-colonial, those who called themselves communists became leaders of the progressive movement.

In practical terms the October Revolution propelled communism and the science of Marxism-Leninism to unparalleled heights and popularity amongst the masses worldwide. Communist parties were formed in country after country including Canada in 1921. The quantification of communist parties demanded a new quality, a development of Leninism to modern communism. For many however, the existence of an organization calling itself communist and members calling themselves communist working for social justice and building solidarity with the Soviet Union became enough, including in Canada. A new quality of thinking Canadian workers and communists conscious of their mission and armed with Leninist strategy and tactics to realize the necessary changes engendered by the concrete reality was not developed. The quantification of the communist party as an ally of the Soviet Union was deemed sufficient. Many communist parties failed to grasp the necessary missing quality that had been started in the Leninist Party in Russia but needed to be developed anew in each and every quantification. This quality of Leninism was the ability to theorize on the political, social and economic conditions of the late nineteenth century, which had propelled capitalism to its highest form, imperialism, which is the amalgam of the state with the most powerful monopolies. The lessons of the Paris Commune first touched on by Marx in The Civil War in France became central to the new thinking of Lenin.

The Leninist thesis was presented at the Second International in the period of imperialist war preparations leading to the First World War: the working class in each country must oppose its own bourgeoisie and settle accounts with it by seizing power. This means first and foremost that the working class must be organized to oppose imperialist war and the war preparations of its own bourgeoisie. European socialism opposed the Leninist thesis and organized the working class of its respective countries to support its own bourgeoisie in war and peace, turning the working class into a reserve of the bourgeoisie. European socialism was dealt a deathblow by World War 1 and the October Socialist Revolution. However, European socialism reorganized after the war as representatives of the October Revolution by turning the Soviet Union into either a sterile model to be followed for which solidarity was organized or by criticizing the model of the Soviet Union and its perceived shortcomings. Both were meant to stop the development of revolutionary practice and the settling of accounts with their own capitalist class. New contingents of liberated homelands of the working class were not established through revolution in the triad of Western Europe, North America and Japan. Leninist theory was relegated to phrases used as dogma not as the summation of concrete experience giving rise to principles that guide thinking and action. Instead, organizing in the triad ensured social democratic conciliation of the class struggle and reduced communists to coordinators of decisions taken behind their backs in the style of bourgeois parties, which constitute factions that vie for power within the bourgeois state apparatus.

The October Revolution showed in practice the dead-end of European socialism. The Bolsheviks put an end to Russian participation in the imperialist war. The Bolsheviks gave all power to the Soviets as an institution to mobilize and elevate the working class, peasants and soldiers to the position of rulers of society and the new state. The October Revolution transformed the imperialist First World War into a revolutionary war on the Russian front to establish peace in Europe. The October Revolution immediately asked for a just peace treaty with Germany, which resulted in one that pulled Russia out of the war.

The October Revolution proved that the working class can have its own independent view of how to organize the economy and politics. Not only can it have its own view and practice but that it must have its own view and practice if it is to be successful in opening the door to progress, ensuring peace among nations based on recognizing all nations big and small as equal and with their right to self-determination, and moving the world towards the emancipation of the working class and the elimination of class society.

The October Revolution put the resources of the Russian nation behind solving the problems of hunger and want and providing education and health care for all, and established concrete state mechanisms that were dedicated to solving social problems in practice without hindrance from vested private interests and the theft and draining of added-value by a privileged idle class.

The October Revolution began the process to bring ownership of the socialized economy into the hands of the working class and collective organizations of the peasantry. This meant first the nationalization of the major industries and resources. Owners of capital that gave up opposition to the October Revolution were rewarded with compensation but removed from all positions of authority within the economy. All capitalist inheritance was banned. Those that refused to cooperate with the new working class state had their capital expropriated without compensation and were expected to work for a living.

The October Revolution began the process to harmonize the production of goods and services and the delivery of those goods and services to the people. This entailed removing the parasites from the banking and insurance sectors and eventually from all sectors of circulation of goods and services, especially the wholesale sector in the beginning.

The October Revolution began the process to solve the land question and organize the liberation of the oppressed peasantry in Russia, the Ukraine and other peasant nations and regions of the Soviet Union. This required the most difficult struggle to move farming from petty production to mass industrialized farming without destroying the peasants and forcibly removing them from the land and depopulating the countryside. This meant first expropriating the land and power of the landlords and secondly to organize the poor and landless peasants for an eventual showdown with the kulaks or rich peasants. For the first time in world history a revolution of a social class, the poor and landless peasants, was supported by the state and by the urban working class that went in great numbers to the countryside to assist the peasantry in this epic battle to collectivize and to transform agriculture from petty to mass industrialized production and to bring them machinery and help their peasant Soviets in assuming real effective political power.

The October Revolution began to reform the methods the state used to claim revenue to fund social programs, the government bureaucracy, the Red Army and police. Government claims were established and determined at the centres of production of added-value. Revenue gathered from the wealth produced by the working class and peasants first had to go towards guaranteeing the well-being of the masses in all its forms, especially their social programs and into defending the revolution from imperialist aggression and subversion. The claims of owners of equity and debt (foreign and Russian) on realized added-value were mostly eliminated. This left the claims of the state and the claims of the actual producers as the sole claimants on the added-value produced by the working class and peasants. Russian colonial ownership of land and means of production abroad was repudiated and handed back to the existing authorities in the respective countries.

Leninism and the October Revolution unblocked the movement for enlightenment in Russia. This gave rise to significant advances in the field of rights, especially economic rights, directing the Soviet state to guarantee livelihoods and the well-being of all throughout life. This movement for rights culminated in the 1936 Constitution of the Soviet Union, which was certainly the most advanced at that time and later influenced the deliberations on the UN Declaration of Human Rights.

The October Revolution began the historic transition period of socialism. Socialism is the heroic period of class warfare bridging the gap between the four thousand year grip on human society by ruling social classes and their exploitation of fellow human beings and the new era of communism, which represents the emancipation of the working class and the total elimination of classes and class society. The period of socialism has to solve the problem of eliminating Bourgeois Right and the arrangements based on it from the thinking and practice of society, just as bourgeois society had to eliminate the thinking and practice based on Absolute Right. Today, bourgeois society faced with the need for profound democratic and constitutional renewal is reverting to arrangements based on Absolute Right, making the recognition of Necessity for Change increasingly urgent. Among other things socialism is a period of unremitting struggle against the remnants of class society in terms of culture, especially in ideological and social forms and for an international transition to a new socially conscious human being and societies without social classes and exploitation of humans by humans.

The October Revolution was the first break in the chain of imperialist states. The imperialist system of states was breached and severely weakened by the removal of such a huge land mass and population from its control. The breach in the imperialist system of states deepened the crisis of capitalism in its constant search for markets to exploit and natural resources to plunder. The October Revolution added a new contradiction to those plaguing the imperialist system of states: the contradiction between the countries within the imperialist system of states led and dominated by the most powerful versus the new liberated homeland of the international proletariat, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

As Lenin predicted: after the working class seizes power the bourgeoisie becomes even more ferocious and determined to regain political and economic power by any means. The history after the October Revolution is one of constant and unremitting class struggle for the working class to retain power in the Soviet Union and resist the attacks of those determined to restore capitalism. The working class under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Stalin fought heroically to defend the nation-building project of the working class from the imperialist system of states and from the intrigue and subversion of the overthrown classes within the liberated homeland of the international proletariat.

The industrialization of the Soviet Union, spread of science and the application of technology to production and distribution, especially during the 1930s when the imperialist system of states was gripped by a devastating worldwide depression, was an heroic feat accomplished without plundering foreign lands for investment funds, raw materials and markets. This was the first time that any large country accomplished the transition from petty production to mass industrial production without foreign plunder for investment funds and without mass dislocation and devastation of the peasantry. This showed the world that a socialist self-reliant economy can be built and that accumulated-value (investment funds) for social programs and extended reproduction can come from within the economy, from the hard work of the working class and peasantry combined with science and modern technology. However, this is only true when the society is free from the claims of an idle ruling class, which owns the socialized economy and directs it for its own narrow aim towards recurring crises and war. With a self-reliant socialized economy under the control of the working class and peasantry and freed from an idle ruling class, the added-value from production can go to the living conditions of the people, investments in social programs, the needs of the state and into extended reproduction of the socialized means of production and distribution.

The socialist transition period to communism in the Soviet Union was sabotaged when those in authority refused to continue the class struggle against the remnants of class society in political, economic, cultural, ideological and social forms. This led to a block in the leadership to resolving in particular the political problem of raising the working class to the position of ruling class in practice. This refusal to lead the socialist transition period to deal with its contradictions opened the floodgates for a return to capitalism; this refusal and capitulation to capitalist restoration was officially announced by Nikita Khrushchev at the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956. The October Revolution came to an unofficial official end at that time whereupon the Soviet Union was converted into a social-imperialist power competing for world domination with its nemesis, the United States. But the lessons and glorious accomplishments of the October Revolution in all fields of human endeavour will live forever. The rule of the working class lasted far longer than the Paris Commune of 1871 creating an enormous wealth of direct experience to assist the international workers and communist movement and its future nation-building projects.

Socialist society is the most revolutionary and dynamic of all human societies that have hitherto come into being; it must be so in order to mobilize the masses to oppose the remnants of class society especially in political and social form and in culture especially its ideological and social forms.

The key issue is that communists and the revolutionary working class must rise to the occasion of the here and now and the necessity to change the world they face. The working class and communists struggle in the conditions that they have been handed whether as revolutionary communist cadre within the former Soviet Union fighting to advance socialist society, fighting might and main to stop the remnants of the capitalist class from retaking political power or fighting to organize the working class in the imperialist countries for proletarian revolution whether that revolution is in flow or retreat. There is no good time or bad time or worse time or better time for communists and the working class; there is only this time and space, the here and now and the necessity for change. Sometimes communists forget the long difficult days for the Bolsheviks during the period of Stolypin reaction after 1905 following the cruel defeat of what Lenin called the "dress rehearsal for the October Revolution." The situation for the Bolsheviks became even worse still when communist parties, especially in Europe within the Second International, deserted revolution and betrayed the working class by supporting their own capitalist class and its war preparations prior to and during World War One. It must have seemed for Lenin and the Bolsheviks that they stood alone as the only defenders of communism and the international proletariat. But the important and great thing was they persisted, and they led the working class and peasantry to the victory of the October Revolution and the "Ten Days that Shook the World!"

Whatever level of development of the productive forces in the era of imperialism and its mature stage of capitalism, the working class and its communist party are confronted with the task of working out their strategy and tactics to open society's path to progress by ensuring the working class constitutes the nation and vests sovereignty in the people. That is what is required, just as Marx pointed out in the nineteenth century and Lenin achieved in his time and space and others are doing in their conditions.

By elevating the working class to political power to begin its own heroic nation-building project for socialism and the transition to communism, historic successes will be transformed into historic victory. As a contingent of the international proletariat, the working class in all countries whether large or small, in the midst of changes from petty to mass industrial production or within a fully developed monopoly capitalist system, all are charged by history to make a real contribution to the international struggle for the emancipation of the working class and the preservation of world peace, and the march forward to the elimination of classes and class society once and for all. The Great October Socialist Revolution led by Lenin and Leninism made such a contribution. Let us mark its anniversary by upholding modern communism and redoubling our efforts to prepare conditions for the coming revolutionary storms and to accomplish our own plans to turn historic successes into historic victory!

The Necessity for Analysis of the
Contemporary Conditions

Since Karl Marx presented his economic analysis to the world, the proletarian movement has gained enormous experience and maturity and extended its reach throughout the globe. Many well-meaning people quote Karl Marx's analysis of capital using all the same terms and classifications from his works. It does Marx a great disservice to keep repeating his thesis without accounting for changes in the objective and subjective conditions.

In the 1850s, when Marx wrote his analysis of the stupendous economic developments taking place in the world, the working class was in its infancy, arising in step with the overthrow of petty production and the feudal autocracy. Even in its infancy, comprised of first and second generation proletarians still mostly uneducated, exploited to the bone, and without any say or control over their lives, the working class movement showed to the world that it was the class of the future. The rapidly developing objective and subjective conditions were poised to transform workers into modern conscious beings capable of fashioning modern socialized relations of production in conformity with the socialized productive forces that gave rise to them, and capable of leading humanity in a historic struggle to eliminate class privilege and the inhumanity of humans exploiting humans.

As petty production crumbled throughout the world under the onslaught of socialized industrial mass production, the greatest product of the new productive forces, the working class, set the world on a course towards socialism, internationalism, empowerment, democracy, a modern definition of rights and a nation-building project of its own making.

In 1871, the working class stormed the barricades and seized control of Paris but failed to consolidate its grasp on power for reasons Marx analyzed and explained in his Civil War in France. The experience taught the working class that to succeed in its own nation-building project, it must replace the existing bourgeois state, including importantly the police power, with institutions and a state of its own making.

The failure of the Paris Commune was corrected in practice a little more than four decades later when Lenin led the Russian proletariat and its allies to victory in the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917, smashing to smithereens the existing Tsarist/bourgeois state and replacing it with a socialist state under the control of the working class in alliance with the peasantry, which was still numerous in the vast countryside.

The socialist victory in Russia quickly put an end to the First Imperialist World War. Under the leadership of Lenin's Communist Party the revolution spread widely, soon creating the Soviet Union. The nation-building project of the working class in close alliance with the peasantry became a beacon of hope for oppressed humanity everywhere, inspiring the growing legions of workers and their allies to organize their own Communist Parties to lead their movements for emancipation from class and colonial oppression.

Worldwide, the working class was undergoing immense transformation in both quantity and quality as socialized industrial mass production swept aside petty production in region after region. The increasing demands of industrial mass production for the application of science and technique spurred the need for educated workers. The Soviet Union spearheaded the rapid development of mass public education, health care and journalism to serve the people and their movements for change. The working class formed Communist Parties in every country and involved workers in actions with analysis to defend their rights and achieve their immediate and long-term objectives.

In quality, the working class was rapidly transforming itself from an uneducated, downtrodden mass to optimistic literate individuals and activists within their collectives capable of analyzing the concrete conditions and formulating their own independent agenda and theory. The reality of a modern working class reaching into every nook and cranny of the world, not just as the most numerous class but with a new quality and ability to think and analyze and sum up its vast experience in politics and nation-building is a far cry from the working class and concrete conditions when Marx wrote his famous economic works.

Marx made it clear that the analysis of the economic developments in those early days of the overthrow of petty production could only be explained from the vantage point of the owners of the means of production, the descendents and inheritors of the bourgeois merchants and their intelligentsia who led the attack on petty production and the feudal autocrats. To serve the working class and communist movement, Marx set himself the task to dissect the cell of the capitalist economy, a commodity, into all its bits and pieces and trace its tortuous journey from production as use-value to exchange-value and back again as use-value while viewing the process from the vantage point of an owner of the means of production.

Marx explained how the economy forced bourgeois owners of the means of production into spontaneous actions beyond their control and fashioned their aim to exploit the working class for private profit without concern for humanity or the environment. He showed how the owners of the competing parts of the capitalist economy engaged in actions dictated by the way the economy directed them to act, forcing them to spread throughout the world in a relentless competitive drive for resources, investment opportunities, markets and workers to exploit, all the while engaging in unbridled exploitation of workers in their own countries and unspeakable violence against the colonial peoples and robbery of their wealth, land and resources.

Marx showed how the anarchy of production without conscious control results in recurring economic crises and that the whole was pushing the competing owners of parts of the economy into increasingly violent clashes amongst themselves and with the working class. He and Engels revealed as early as 1848 with the publication of the Communist Manifesto that the working class, the most important product of the transformation to socialized industrial mass production, was destined to resolve the contradictions of the period and put humanity on a conscious planned pathway towards the elimination of classes and class society.

The working class through organizing itself and strengthening its quality as a socially conscious class for itself and for all humanity was marching inevitably towards a climactic confrontation with the owners of the means of production over the control and direction of the economy. This confrontation is centred on the necessity to bring relations of production into conformity with socialized industrial mass production.

Marx left a legacy of material that not only teaches how people should view the concrete conditions of his day in the nineteenth century but a guide as to how they can analyze their own concrete conditions today in a similar manner to point the way forward. Simply to restate Marx's economic theories will not do. More is expected of the working class than the ability to cite already existing theory.

Marx's analysis lifted a heavy burden of doubt and uncertainty from the minds of working class leaders and the intelligentsia of the time. It clarified for all and sundry that the working class was the producer of all goods and services and that in doing so produced the profit so coveted by the bourgeois owners of the means of production.

To end four millennia of class privilege and exploitation of humans by humans, history has directed the working class to gain control of the means of production and importantly the new value it produces and put the entire amount to use in the people's interest. It is in their interest to move society forward in a nation-building project in accordance with modern definitions and its own agenda to emancipate itself and eliminate class privilege and social classes.

With the historic feat of the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution and the spread of communism, mass education and socialized industrial production worldwide, the international working class became a class of itself, for itself and by itself with its own thinking, politics and ability to analyze independently. The necessity arose to let the original Marxist economic analysis play an even greater role in the lives of the working class by developing it from the perspective of the antithesis within the social relation, the working class.

The social relation between the working class and the owners of social wealth called capital has already been breached and is bound to resolve itself again into a synthesis -- a new working class liberated from the social relation. The transitional capitalist form between petty production of the feudal autocrats and socialized industrial mass production of the modern working class can and should be explained from the perspective of the antithesis in the social relation, the working class.

Workers in the former Soviet Union or wherever they have gained control over the means of production within a nation-building project or anywhere for that matter in today's world of socialized industrial mass production did not then and could not now view themselves as producing a "value over and above the cost of production -- as the source of profit, interest and rental incomes." Such a view is that of the thesis, the bourgeois owners of social wealth in the social relation capital.

The working class has taken Marx's economic analysis and developed it, just as it should with any science. Any economic analysis today has to start from the present concrete conditions and their developments just as Marx analyzed the concrete conditions during his period. The objective conditions to complete the transition to socialized industrial mass production with matching socialized relations of production are evident in the massive growth of the socialized productive forces throughout the world, international trade, the dominant size of the working class everywhere and the accumulated experience of class struggle and theory and the ideology of Contemporary Marxist-Leninist Thought.

Theory lags behind practice and the concrete conditions. It could not be otherwise, as theory and ideas emerge from practice and the summing up of experience, not from previous ideas or from the sky. The working class needs its own leadership and independent politics and to put into practice its ability to analyze, theorize and ideologize. The summing up of the experience of the nation-building project in the Soviet Union and an economy under the control of the actual producers, the seizure of control from the Soviet working class by a new bourgeoisie that emerged from within its midst, the current retreat of revolution and the analysis of the contemporary economic conditions around the world, which are fully mature and ready to make the final break with petty production of the feudal era, require modern definitions and economic terms and classifications from the perspective of the actual producers of value, the working class. The antithesis in the social relation capital, the working class, has two hundred years of experience in the class struggle and a wealth of theory and its own ideology. The working class is poised for the historic battle to resolve the oppressive dialectic once and for all and become a dynamic synthesis, the new working class marching forward in a direction set in accordance with the objective and subjective conditions.

The terms and classifications from Marx as formulated in his earthshaking work Das Kapital have served us well and continue to enlighten us. The working class today is charged with the responsibility of turning the terms and classifications upside down and making the actual producers, the working class, the centre of the economic analysis. Putting the working class at the centre expresses in theory what has already happened in practice in the former Soviet Union and what is poised to happen again throughout the world in a yet more conscious manner -- the resolution of the oppressive social relation capital and its elimination within nation-building projects of the working class all over the globe.

The source of profit is indeed the work-time of the working class on means of production:

- workers produce the added-value that is seized as profit by those who own and control the means of production;

- workers reproduce their own value, the reproduced-value they claim both individually and socially in payment over a lifetime for their capacity to work and to guarantee their reproduction and availability to work; and

- workers transfer and preserve in the social product the transferred-value from the machines and material they use during the production process.

Through work-time, workers transfer into production the consumed value from already existing fixed and circulating value from machines and material, which Marx classified as "fixed and circulating constant capital," which in modern terms is classified as fixed and circulating transferred-value.

In the modern world view, the human factor, the working class, sits at the centre of production and all emanates out from its work-time on the means of production and is explained from this vantage point.

Workers are the producers of what Marx classified as "surplus value," which in modern terms is classified as added-value.

Workers are the reproducers of what Marx classified as "variable capital," which in modern terms is classified as reproduced-value.

From its own perspective, the modern educated working class with its own thinking, analysis, theory, ideology and independent political agenda is not a "cost of production" to anyone, including itself, those who own and control the means of production or to the economy. Through work-time, workers produce new value comprised of added-value and reproduced-value. Those two forms of new value remain in constant contradiction until the social relation capital is resolved through revolution. Freed from the domination of the oppressive social relation, the economy and all the value workers produce, reproduce and transfer, the new and old value come under the control of the actual producers and their new state institutions to serve the people's interest, the general interests of society and to guarantee the well-being and rights of all.