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April 7, 2012 - No. 14
Withdraw Bill C-31, Protecting
Canada's Immigration System Act!
Retrogressive and Arbitrary Means
to Deprive
Refugees the Right to Asylum, Divide Canadians and
Attack the Rights of
All!
Withdraw
Bill
C-31, Protecting Canada's Immigration System Act!
• Retrogressive and Arbitrary Means to Deprive
Refugees the Right
to Asylum, Divide Canadians and Attack the Rights of All!
• Overview of Bill C-31
• Campaign of Terror Against
the Roma and Disinformation About "Bogus Refugees" from Europe
International Transfer
of
Offenders Act
• Irrational "Reasons" for Arbitrary Abuse of
Ministerial Powers - Enver Villamizar
Withdraw Bill C-31, Protecting
Canada's Immigration System Act!
Retrogressive and Arbitrary Means
to Deprive
Refugees the Right to Asylum, Divide Canadians and
Attack the Rights of
All!
The omnibus Bill C-31, Protecting
Canada's Immigration
System Act, tabled in the Parliament on February 16, is
now in
second reading. At a news conference at the time the bill was tabled,
Jason Kenney, the Harper dictatorship's Minister of Citizenship,
Immigration and Multiculturalism, said its purpose was to "strengthen
the fairness and integrity of Canada's
generous
immigration and refugee programs" and to send a message to all asylum
seekers that "if you do not need Canada's protection, we will give you
access
to our fair asylum system and then send you home quickly. You will not
be
allowed to remain in Canada for years using endless appeals at the
expense of
Canadian taxpayers."
In the name of opposing "bogus refugees" the bill
attacks rights and
violates international humanitarian law. Like security certificates,
which are
also part of immigration legislation, Bill C-31 will undermine rights
by
singling out refugees, and will deny citizenship to thousands of
refugees who
have become landed immigrants -- contributing to Canadian society, and
establishing themselves and their families in Canada as their home --
if the
Minister considers that the situation in their country of origin has
changed.
Bill C-31 continues the trend of putting more and more
arbitrary power in
the hands of the Immigration Minister to deem certain people
undesirable, with
only very onerous recourse to appeal. It will strengthen the hand of
the
Canadian state to carry out violations of rights as in the 1930s when
Ukrainians and others were deported from Canada as "aliens" and
communists;
when they had lived here and contributed to the building of Canada as
workers. Or the activists of the Communist Party of Canada
(Marxist-Leninist)
who were landed immigrants deported as part of the
political
persecution of the Party by the Canadian state in the 1970s.
The Harper government
presents the bill and the
regulation of refugees as
necessary to prevent the abuse of Canada's "generous refugee system,"
giving
the impression that Canada facilitates the arrival of tens of
thousands of
refugees each year and assists their re-settlement in Canada. The facts
belie
this propaganda of Minister Kenney and others. Since coming to power,
the
Harper government has steadily reduced the number of refugees entering
Canada. According to Citizenship and Immigration Canada, the number of
refugees having their claim for asylum approved dropped by 56 per cent
from
2005
to 2008. In 2010, there were 8,466 Pre-Removal Risk Assessment
applications
made by asylum-seekers facing deportation. Only 89 were approved!
The Harper government also deliberately introduces terms
such as "illegal
migrants" and decontextualizes Canadians' opposition to human
smuggling in
order to confuse the principles at stake and cover up its obligations
to
refugees. Speaking in the Parliament in response to a statement by
NDP MP
Rosane Doré Lefebvre that pointed out that the Harper government
is way out
of line with the sentiment of Canadians, Minister Kenney tried to
present the
government as being more "generous" than Canadians want:
"[... Lefebvre] said that Canadians are against Bill C-31, but is she
aware
that after
illegal migrants arrived 18 months ago, polls clearly showed that
approximately two-thirds of Canadians believed that the government
should
prevent boats transporting illegal migrants and human smugglers from
entering
Canadian territory?
"Is she aware that the majority of Canadians -- about
55% -- say that illegal
migrants who arrive via illegal means but who are recognized as
refugees
under our laws should immediately be deported to their country of
origin?
"This means that Bill C-31 is much more generous than
public opinion and
more mindful of our tradition of welcoming true refugees.
"Is she aware that Quebeckers expressed this opinion
more strongly than
other Canadians? In other words, her constituents want to turn away
ships
transporting illegal migrants. Is she aware of that?"
Contrary to the government presenting itself as taking
the moral high
ground to exclude "bogus" refugees and prevent "human smuggling,"
Canada
has, in many cases, a profound responsibility for the well-being of
those
millions of people forced into becoming refugees by the actions of
Anglo-American imperialism, which sows death and destruction in many
countries around the world. In 2004, Canada was an active participant
in the coup in Haiti, which disempowered the Haitian
people, resulting
in the creation of tens of thousands of refugees. The Korean War, the
78-day
NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, the ongoing war in Afghanistan, as well as
the
illegal war in Libya, each created a humanitarian and refugee crisis,
for which
Canada refuses to take responsibility. While labelling those who
take
desperate measures to seek asylum in Canada as criminals, it is the
Harper
government that carries out criminal and terrorist acts that lead to
more and
more people being displaced around the world.
In order for Canada to provide justice for those harmed
by such actions,
it must end relations based on exploitation and aggression. Only by
all
nations and peoples having the right to be without outside interference
in their
domestic social, economic and political affairs, can the social
problem of
the international refugee crisis be addressed. Furthermore, Canada has
an
obligation to provide for the well-being of those harmed by its
actions, either
through reparations to allow people to remain in their home countries
or to
facilitate their immigration to Canada where they should be accorded
full
rights.
Canadians come from all nations of the world and the
country itself was
founded on the ongoing dispossession of the First Nations. A modern
discussion on the question of refugees and immigration must be based on
these
considerations and modern definitions while ensuring that rights, which
belong
to people by virtue of their being human, are provided with a
guarantee. Laws
such as Bill C-31 are an abomination of humanitarian principles and are
only
meant to stir the pot, incite racism, divide the polity and
undermine
the rights of all. Bill C-31 must be vigorously opposed and withdrawn!

Overview of Bill C-31
Bill C-31, with the short name Protecting Canada's
Immigration
System Act, is an omnibus bill that combines and incorporates an Act
to
amend
the
Immigration
and
Refugee
Protection
Act,
the
Balanced
Refugee
Reform Act, the Marine Transportation Security Act and the
Department of Citizenship and Immigration Act. It is at Second
Reading
in the Parliament and was tabled by Minister of Citizenship and
Immigration
Jason Kenney on February 16. It incorporated aspects of Bill C-4 from
the last
Parliament, such as the imprisonment of people that are "designated" by
the
Minister as having come to Canada by "irregular" means. These
"designated
foreign nationals" over the age of 16, can be jailed for up to a year
without
appeal, suffer family separation for five years or more, and be denied
the right
to travel. If they are granted official refugee status by the Canadian
government, they cannot begin the process of applying for citizenship
until
after five years have lapsed. According to the Canadian Council for
Refugees,
the cost of jailing a refugee for a year costs about $70,000, not to
mention the
humiliation and mental anguish to those imprisoned and the violations
of
international humanitarian law.
Bill C-31 would introduce new biometric technology for
policing purposes
as an "identity management tool in our immigration and border-control
systems." Bill C-31 will force "certain visa applicants" to have their
photographs and fingerprints taken as part of their temporary resident
visa
applications. The biometric information will be handed over to the U.S.
as part
of the Canada-U.S. Security Perimeter Framework. The legislation would
also
have this biometric information shared with other "allies" in order to
track
people who enter or leave North America.
Kenney stated in a press
conference, "I should highlight
that we have seen
many cases of foreign criminals arrested, convicted and deported, who
came
back to Canada using fake papers. Under the biometric visa system, this
will
effectively, be virtually impossible." According to Bill C-31, "the
Minister,
with the approval of the Governor in Council, may enter into an
agreement
with any foreign government for the provision of services in relation
to the
collection, use and disclosure of biometric information and for the
provision
of immigration application services and other related services on that
government's behalf for purposes related to the administration and
enforcement
of their immigration laws."
The new subsection 109.1(1) of the Immigration and
Refugee
Protection Act, which is contained in section 58 of the proposed Protecting
Canada's
Immigration
System
Act,
allows
the Minister
to be solely responsible to determine "Designated Countries of Origin"
(DCO)
or "safe" countries. Currently, this is a task for an appointed
committee within
the Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB). Furthermore, the new
subsection
109.1(2) contains an expanded formula for determining when the Minister
can
make such a designation. The expanded formula provides two different
scenarios in which the Minister can designate a country as "safe" and,
as a
result, streamline the rejection of refugees from that country.
The first scenario applies when the number of refugee
claims from the
country in question over a certain period exceeds a pre-determined
quota
set by the Minister, including rejected claims, claims deemed abandoned
or withdrawn
by the
IRB, exceeds a pre-determined
percentage
set by the Minister. (This power is designed to address the situation
where the
government alleges that there is a flood of "bogus" refugee claims from
a
certain country, such as Mexico.)
The second scenario applies when the number of refugee
claims from the
country in question over a certain period has not exceeded the
pre-determined
quota. Even in that situation, the Minister can designate a
country of origin if the Minister is of the opinion that in the country
in
question:
(i) there is an independent judicial system,
(ii) basic democratic rights and freedoms are recognized
and mechanisms
for redress are available if those rights or freedoms are infringed, and
(iii) civil society organizations exist.
In this situation, the government
alleges that the country of origin is a safe, democratic country that
does not
produce refugees; such as Hungary. This process, in the hands of the
Minister,
is totally arbitrary and will enable him to deny thousands of refugee
claimants
their right to asylum. As well, this will further politicize the social
issues of
refugee settlement and immigration. For example, more Palestinian
refugees
will be denied entry to Canada, because Israel is a "democratic state"
and
therefore there is no "refugee issue" there.
In order to make it appear as if the government is
providing due process
for refugees rejected on the basis of the arbitrary "safe
country
of origin" designation, but at the same time strengthening the power of
the
Minister, the
new subsection 111.1(2) allows the Minister to set special time limits
for the
IRB to hear claims by refugee claimants who are nationals of a country
that
is a "designated country." Within the shortened time limits, claimants
from a
designated country will still have to produce all the documents
necessary for
a refugee application but within a restricted time period -- including
documents
that are difficult or nearly impossible for a refugee to obtain in the
best of
circumstances -- including a police check from the home country, from
which
the refugee claims to be fleeing persecution. The refugee claimant will
also
have to arrange for legal representation within a time frame that is
totally
unrealistic, especially if Legal Aid is required. This will work most
strongly
against refugees who have fled persecution in their home country in
haste;
bringing limited resources and knowing no one in Canada.
Bill C-31 will allow the Canadian state to annul the
status of a refugee
who has obtained landed immigrant status, if it is determined by the
Minister
or the department that things have "improved" in that refugee's country
of
origin, even if that refugee has lived in Canada for many years and has
deep
roots here. Currently, under Section 108 of the Immigration and
Refugee
Protection Act, when refugee status "ceases," a person does not
lose
their permanent resident status, only their refugee status. Under Bill
C-31, this
will change; refugees will lose their permanent resident status and be
subject
to deportation. Thousands of people and their families in Canada will
be
subject to this fascist law.
These amendments represent a de facto
abandonment of the
Canadian government's international responsibilities as a signatory of
the
International Refugee Convention. Bill C-31 shows the naked inhumanity
and
brutality of the Harper government in its treatment of the most
vulnerable
people. The problem that the Canadian people are facing is not "bogus
refugees" but a government that is in open contempt of the Canadian
Charter
of Rights and Freedoms and international laws such as the UN
Refugee
Convention,
in particular, and the International Covenant on
Civil
and Political Rights. It violates a fundamental provision of
the UN
Refugee Convention, Article 31, that says that governments must
not
impose
penalties on refugees for unconventional entry. Bill C-31 not only
imprisons
"designated foreign nationals" upon arrival, it also deprives them of
their legal
and social rights. All Canadians and residents must join forces and
demand
that Bill C-31 be withdrawn and that the Canadian government uphold
international humanitarian law, as the first step to renew the
political
arrangements in this country so that a society that guarantees the
rights of all
can be established.

Campaign of Terror Against the Roma and
Disinformation About
"Bogus Refugees" from Europe

Protest by Roma
against the discrimination they face in Europe, November 2010. (Amnesty
International)
|
In trying to justify its Bill C-31, the Protecting
Canada's
Immigration System Act, members of the Harper government
repeatedly
cite "bogus refugees" coming from Europe as an example of why reforms
are
needed to the refugee system. Much of this disinformation is directed
against
justifying the violations of the rights of the Roma who seek asylum in
Canada
as a result of persecution in Europe.[1]
On March 26 for
example,
Conservative
MP Robert Goguen read the following script that has been repeated by
most
other Conservative MPs during debate on Bill C-31: "In 2011 a
significant
portion of refugee claims came from the European Union. Claims from
this
region alone accounted for 23% of all claims last year, up from 14% in
2010,
more than from Africa or Asia. On average, EU claims were abandoned in
14.5 months or withdrawn in 10 months. In recent years virtually all EU
claims were withdrawn, abandoned or rejected. The bogus claims from
among
the 5,800 EU nationals who sought asylum last year cost Canadian
taxpayers
$170 million. Hungary, an EU member state, has become Canada's top
source
country for such refugee claims. Hungarians made over 2,400 refugee
claims
around the world in 2010. Of those, 2,300 were in Canada. That is 23
times
more claims made in Canada than in the rest of the world put together.
By
comparison, the United States received only 32 Hungarian refugee claims
in
2010. I think these numbers speak volumes.
"Our refugee system was designed to provide protection
to those who
genuinely need it, people who have escaped brutal regimes, violence,
oppression and persecution in these countries. These people need to
come to
Canada for protection or they risk losing their lives. However, the
majority of
claims are coming from safe and democratic countries that respect human
rights. The fact that Canada receives more refugee claims from the
democratic
European Union than from Africa or Asia should be a clear wake-up call.
Clearly, there is something wrong with our refugee system and it needs
to be
fixed."
Conditions of Roma in Europe
In citing increased refugee claims
from
Europe in 2011, Conservative MPs provide no context or explanation of
why this is the case.
In
France, President Nicolas Sarkozy has been carrying out a campaign to
arbitrarily deport France's national minority Roma people to Romania
and
Bulgaria. Between 2009 and 2010 alone roughly 20,000 Roma were deported
from France following the bulldozing by French authorities of the camps
in
which they lived.
Roma people living in Europe have for centuries faced
discrimination and
persecution by the state, up to and including genocide. To give one
example,
in Germany laws were on the books
from the 15th to the 18th century whereby Roma could be executed
without trial. Later, during the Second
World War, it is estimated that from 220,000 to 1.5 million Roma people
were
murdered in Nazi concentration camps or executed by the Einsatzgruppen
(paramilitary SS death squads) in occupied Europe.
The French people have demonstrated en masse against the
deportation
orders of the President and his government to particularly target and
round up
the Roma for deportation. On September 4, 2010 for example, about
100,000
people demonstrated in Paris and 130 other French towns, exposing the
government lie that Sarkozy's actions have the support of the people.
Large
demonstrations against deportation also took place in other European
cities,
including in Italy, Belgium and Serbia.
President Sarkozy has tried to deny that the Roma were
specifically being
targeted for deportation, but a government memo uncovered in 2010
exposed his lie. The memo stated: "300 camps or illegal settlements
must be
evacuated within three months; Roma camps are a priority. It is down to
the
préfect [state representative] in each department to begin a
systematic
dismantling of the illegal camps, particularly those of the Roma."
President Sarkozy's Family Ties
Something that may not be so well-known is that during
the
Second World War, the aristocratic family of president Sarkozy lived
comfortably in
their luxurious palatial home near Szolnok with their servants,
undisturbed by the
Nazis and their collaborators.
Until 1944, Hungary was ruled by the fascist Horthy
regime, which openly
allied with the Nazis. In March 1944, the Nazis installed the
collaborationist
Arrow Cross Party as the government, headed by Prime Minister Döme
Sztójay, leaving Horthy as regent.
The Szolnok sugar factory was a notorious collecting
point for Jewish
prisoners who were sent to the occupied territories, such as Austria,
to perform
slave labour or to imprisonment in the concentration camps. The
Hungarian Nazi-collaborationist governments also
participated in the
deportation of the Roma.
In 1944, when the communists liberated Hungary,
Sarkozy's father, Pal,
fled to Hitler Germany. He returned to Hungary in 1945, but fled again
to
Austria, then Germany and finally sought asylum in France under the
hoax that
he was stateless. Pal subsequently divorced his first wife, Nicolas
Sarkozy's
mother Christine de Ganay, who later married CIA employee Frank G.
Wisner. Wisner was the CIA's link with the Gehlen Organization
set up after the war by the
Americans and made up of Nazi intelligence agents who provided the
Americans with
information about the communists and re-established the Hitlerite fifth
column
throughout Europe. Thus the CIA enabled these Nazi war criminals to
escape
justice.
Sarkozy's actions against the Roma are a sad testimony
to the profound
constitutional crisis
France is facing. When the French nation was established as an act of
revolution, all French nationals were declared French citizens. Even
then this
did not extend to the residents of the colonies annexed by France and,
while
modern conceptions of citizenship rebel against criteria based on
nationality,
race, age, wealth or gender, France has systematically refused to
enfranchise
residents of Arab or black origin.
It is also known that once the arrangements that opposed
Nazism in France
after the Second World War were dismantled, what was brought back in
their
place were the Nazi arrangements from when Marshal Petain collaborated
with
Hitler. Who is Sarkozy collaborating with today? Or is he doing this in
the name of France directly this time around?
TML Weekly Information Project vigorously
opposes the
campaign of terror against the Roma in France and its expression here
in
Canada in the form of attempts to prevent Roma from gaining asylum in
Canada based on the Harper government's claim that Europe is "safe."
Note
1. Roma groups left India in repeated
migrations many
centuries ago. The term "gypsy" arises from the erroneous belief that
they
originated in Egypt. The Roma were in Persia by the 11th century, and
reached the Balkans by the beginning of the 14th century. Most Roma
speak
Romany, a language related to the modern Indo-European languages of
northern India, besides the language of their country of residence. The
Roma
people first settled in France at the beginning of the 15th century.

International
Transfer
of
Offenders
Act
Irrational "Reasons" for Arbitrary Abuse of
Ministerial Powers
- Enver Villamizar -
On February 29, Public Safety Minister Vic Toews
issued his
reasons for denying Richard Goulet a request for transfer to Canada
under the International Transfer of
Offenders Act (ITOA). Goulet is a Canadian
citizen
being held in prison in the U.S., convicted of the conspiracies to
distribute and
to import marijuana into the United States. On January 29, the
Federal
Court of Canada demanded that Toews provide reasons for his decision
ruling
that Toews' denial of Goulet's transfer was unreasonable as it
contradicted a
risk assessment by a Correctional Service Canada Director and that,
aside from
his arbitrary use of his ministerial powers, no adequate reasons were
provided
for the denial. The Court gave Toews 45 days to reconsider the request
for
transfer "on the merits and in accordance with the requirements of the
[Act]."
The Goulet case is significant because it reveals
attempts by Ministers
of the Harper government to operate arbitrarily in violation of the
statutes that
they are bound to uphold. It is also significant because it concerns
legislation
that the Harper government just amended with the passage of Bill C-10,
the Safe Streets and
Communities Act in a manner that strengthens a
Minister's
arbitrary powers within the statute concerned. The recently amended
legislation
replaces "shall" with "may" so that the Minister "may consider various
criteria," making the criteria to be considered for transfer optional
and at the
Minister's
discretion. In effect, the amendments to the ITOA contained in the Safe
Streets
and Communities Act permit the Minister to pick and choose which
criteria to consider in determining whether a transfer is acceptable
and
permits the
Minister to introduce new, arbitrary criteria. In addition, the Act's
main
purpose has now also been amended to place an emphasis on "public
safety."
Toews' reasons in the Goulet case reveal the unjust
nature of his arbitrary
decision and his violation of the purposes of the previous ITOA. Mr.
Goulet
is not requesting a pardon for his crimes. He is requesting a transfer
so that he
can serve the rest of his sentence in a Canadian prison, where he can
presumably be closer to his family. This is a straightforward request
that the
evidence supports. The purposes of the old ITOA under which Mr. Goulet
applied clearly state:
"The purpose of this Act is to contribute to the
administration of justice
and the rehabilitation of offenders and their reintegration into the
community
by enabling offenders to serve their sentences in the country of which
they are
citizens or nationals."
Despite this, Toews essentially rules that Goulet should
not be transferred
because he will not openly incriminate others that the government
alleges must
have been involved in drug trafficking in Canada. This is a violation
of
Goulet's rights based on allegations that have no evidence.
Mr. Goulet should be permitted to return to Canada in
accordance with the
principles of the ITOA. Toews' attempts to use Goulet's request for
transfer
to force a confession out of him is a violation of Goulet's human
rights and
the rule of law.
Whether one agrees or disagrees with the crimes of which
Goulet was
convicted in the U.S., he has human rights. The Harper government
cannot be
permitted to violate the rights of Canadians in the name of "public
safety,"
"national security" or "security of the economy." It must not pass!
Toews' Reasons
In his reasons, Toews stated that in his previous
decision he
"denied Mr. Goulet's transfer based upon my opinion that he would,
after the
transfer, commit a criminal organization offence."
Trying to justify this, Toews claims that Goulet would
not snitch on those
the government alleges he worked with in Canada.
"Mr. Goulet has not contradicted or expanded upon any of
the information
included in a Sentence Data Summary [from the U.S. authorities...] Mr.
Goulet
has not contradicted or expanded upon any of the information included
in that
document and, therefore I conclude that it is an accurate rendition of
the
events which gave rise to his imprisonment in the U.S.
"I find that Mr. Goulet's statements in his application
are self-serving and
intended to minimize the extent of his offence.
"Based upon my review of the Sentence Data Summary and
Mr. Goulet's
application [for transfer], I find that Mr. Goulet has not been
forthright in his
application for transfer to Canada. He only identifies five of the nine
individuals who were involved in the enterprise. His description of the
offence
is incomplete in that it does not set out the circumstances of his
offence.
Further, Mr. Goulet's application does not identify any of his
accomplices in
Canada who were involved in the enterprise."
In explaining the rationale behind his view that Goulet
would commit a
criminal organization offence in the future, Toews wrote:
"In deciding whether Mr. Goulet will commit a criminal
organization
offence after his return, I am not required to predict the future. To
say that I
must be certain he would commit such an offence would render this
section
meaningless. Rather, I am required to consider whether in all the
circumstances
there is a 'significant risk' he will commit such an offence. The fact
that Mr.
Goulet was involved in a criminal enterprise of the nature that I have
described
above and that he was not forthcoming in his application with respect
to the
extent of the enterprise, the sources of his marijuana or his
accomplices in
Canada, leads me to conclude there is a significant risk Mr. Goulet
will
commit a criminal organization offence."

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