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February 7, 2011 - No. 15 .

In Memoriam
Gerald Robert Smith
"Smitty"


September 22, 1936 - January 26, 2011

In Memoriam
Gerald Robert Smith

Egypt
The Egyptian People Are Fighting for Genuine Regime Change
Role of Egyptian Military - Jamilé Ghaddar
Egyptian Women Stand Second to None
Canada-Wide Actions in Support of Egyptian People
Concerning the Democracy Movement Erupting in Egypt and Other Arab Countries - Nathan J. Freeman
Statement from Protesters at Tahrir Square to Egyptian People


In Memoriam

Gerald Robert Smith
"Smitty"

With a heavy heart, CPC(M-L) informs you that Bob Smith, "Smitty," passed away on January 26.

Smitty was born in Nova Scotia on September 22, 1936. Like so many young people of his generation, he left Nova Scotia in 1955 to look for work. He came to Hamilton and at 19 years of age he started working for Stelco in the Tin Mill where he worked for 37 years. Even though he retired in 1993, Smitty never retired from looking after the concerns of the workers and the affairs of his union. In 2003 when his union, USW Local 1005, started holding Thursday meetings to involve the workers in discussing how to respond to the demands Stelco was making for concessions, Smitty was one of the first pensioners to join. When Stelco filed for bankruptcy protection under the Companies' Creditors Arrangement Act on January 29, 2004, Smitty took up the call for "Real Justice, Not Justice Farley." At the 2004 Labour Day Parade in Hamilton, he dressed up as Judge Farley to re-enact the fraudulent court proceedings on a float. He attended every Thursday meeting without fail and participated in every court action during Stelco's fraudulent bankruptcy protection. He held the Local 1005 flags at all the union solidarity actions.

Talking to Smitty regarding what he thought was so important about the stand of Local 1005, without hesitation he said he supported the stand against secret negotiations and for the independent politics of the workers. During this period he joined the work of CPC(M-L), especially the work to assist the youth to organize for political renewal. He called on his fellow steelworkers to do so as well. He attended CPC(M-L)'s youth camps on two occasions, in August 2004 and August 2005, and also went with the youth to Cuba in 2006 to attend a meeting against attempts to form a Free Trade Area of the Americas.

Members of CPC(M-L) who were fortunate to work with Smitty and especially the youth will remember him for his fidelity to the cause of his fellow workers and his confidence that the youth would lift this banner and carry it forward.

CPC(M-L) expresses its deepest condolences to Smitty's family and friends. We express our profound appreciation for the spirit he represented and his contribution to the Party as a member since 2004.

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Egypt

The Egyptian People Are Fighting
for Genuine Regime Change

TML sends its militant greetings to the heroic Egyptian people, who have stood their ground for 15 days demanding much needed regime change in their country. Despite violence, intimidation, arrests and torture, the Egyptian people have refused to back down from their just demand that the regime of President Hosni Mubarak in its entirety step down. It is a life and death issue for the Egyptian people that the Egyptian state be made to serve them and not Anglo-Zionist imperialism. Will the Egyptian government continue to be a pawn for foreign interests, including its infamous role of working hand-in-hand with Israel to maintain the criminal blockade against Gaza and the humiliation this represents for the Egyptian people? Or will it be a state that sides with the just national movements of the Middle East and world's peoples against Anglo-Zionist imperialism, one that uses its material and human resources for the well-being of the people? A battle for a new Egypt rages behind the calls for Mubarak to resign and his attempt to placate the people by saying that all will be solved in the September election. It is a battle between the people with their aspiration for the new and the reactionary forces doing everything possible to maintain Egypt's status as a U.S. client state.


Tahrir Square, Cairo, Egypt: unprecendented mass demonstrations are taking place across Egypt.

From Prime Minister Stephen Harper to Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon, the Canadian government has issued various statements calling for non-violence, a peaceful transition, order and even dialogue. The government's purported dedication to democracy and freedom of expression is endlessly reiterated by the monopoly media, as if the Harper government is genuinely interested in the affirmation of these rights for the Egyptian people, when they do not even afford Canadians such possibilities. The U.S. and many European states sing a similar song. Canadians should not be fooled by such high-sounding statements whose only aim is to hide the real role being played by Anglo-Zionist imperialism, with Canada in tow. Statements by Canada and these countries, with their long history of supporting the illegitimate Mubarak military regime, which claim concern for the democratic rights of the Egyptian people are to fool the gullible. They are but self-serving posturing to divert from what is really taking place and what the situation demands.

By presenting violence as the issue and calling for calm, they divert from the violence committed by the Mubarak regime against the Egyptian people. The government has organized contingents of so-called pro-Mubarak demonstrators (read "hired thugs") to attack people. News agencies report that at least 300 people have been killed, with thousands illegally detained and many tortured, although these are conservative figures given the level of repression and the difficulty of obtaining accurate information in this situation. All this is taking place while Canada, the U.S. and others caution against any violence being committed. Were they genuinely concerned for peace, they would unequivocally denounce the violence of the government in its illegitimate attempts to block the people from exercising their democratic rights, including their right to dissent, freedom of expression and assembly.

These hypocritical calls for civility and orderly transition also aim to divert this democratic struggle into a pro/anti-Mubarak issue. However, Mubarak is not the fundamental issue, nor is he seen as such by the Egyptian people. It is clear to all that the people are denouncing the whole regime in Egypt. The Egyptian democratic movement recognizes that if Mubarak remains in power until the September election, the status quo will reign. The election will only give rise to another U.S. client government and their henchman is already being groomed, namely the newly appointed Vice-President Omar Suleiman. He is head of the security services and deeply linked to all the machinations of Anglo-Zionist imperialists in Egypt. In this manner, the imperialists hope that while some details may change in the elections, no genuine change will take place. When they speak of transition they mean simply that they want the appearance of change, while in fact the same forces remain in power. This is the same bid they made in Tunisia, allowing the people to remove Bin Ali but maintaining the status quo in the government. The same forces in power under Bin Ali's rule are in control of the government today, hence the Tunisian people keep fighting for change.

Thus the Egyptian people are calling for the entire regime to step down and for a transitional government to be constituted. They have pointed out that the current government has no right to decide what takes place. Since it is the target of the people's movement, it has no legitimacy to decide how the people's democratic aspirations will be realized.

TML salutes the Egyptian people and their refusal to be cowed or be diverted from their aim. The imperialists will not give up on Egypt easily. Along with Saudi Arabia and Jordan, Mubarak's regime in Egypt has been one of its main stalwarts in the Middle East for the past 40 years. Yet the Egyptian people are not to be underestimated. Their proud revolutionary history includes their historic battles against British colonialism, which led to the liberation of Egypt and the rise to power of the peoples' hero Abdul Nasser. These are the people that led the nationalist movements of the region and earned their place of honour amongst the fighting forces of the world. This is the Egypt struggling to be reborn on a new basis for the 21st century. No diversionary talk of the imperialists can change the will of the Egyptian people to realize this new Egypt nor the indomitable striving of the peoples of the Middle East for independence, democracy and the affirmation of rights.

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Role of Egyptian Military


Modern U.S. tanks are deployed by the Egyptian military against protestors in Cairo.

The revolutionary movement unfolding in Egypt represents all sectors of the society, including the unions, professionals, diverse political parties, farmers and the unemployed, with the youth in the forefront. They stand as one, united in the struggle for a new Egypt. Against this united front, the Anglo-Zionist imperialists and the Egyptian regime and its armed forces are fighting tooth and nail to divert the movement from realizing its aim. What role is the Egyptian military playing in these events? Some claim that its role is unclear while others declare the army as neutral. Some Anglo-Zionist pundits, especially in the monopoly media, have even gone so far as to claim that the people are friendly towards the military: a protestor somewhere is said to have hugged a soldier, while the head of the military supposedly joined the protestors during one demonstration.

It must be stated unequivocally that the Egyptian military is a pawn of the Anglo-Zionist agenda in Egypt and that there has been an intentional policy of creating doubt about this simple fact. In the face of the disinformation about the role of the military, it is important to keep in mind that the Egyptian military was reconstituted by the U.S. in 1979. Since then, the army has been financed to the tune of billions of dollars by the U.S. Despite this, concerted efforts by the U.S. seek to divert attention from this obvious direct relationship between the army and the imperialists. While the police have been executing the regime's violent, repressive measures against the people, the military is posturing as friendly, reasonable, a partner for dialogue, a cautioner for calm and orderly transition. Why is this?

The strategy is simple: the army stays "neutral" in these events so that it can be in a good position to intervene at an opportune time to maintain the status quo. The imperialists have already realized that Mubarak is finished; he can no longer be the face of their client state in Egypt. They are trying wholeheartedly (and failing) to convince the Egyptian people that if Mubarak goes then they have realized their aim for change. If the army is seen as a defender of Mubarak, it will be committing political suicide and go the way of Mubarak himself. Instead, they have opted for a tired old ploy that is sure to fail: to present the military as neutral, gain the trust of the people and be seen as a legitimate player by the international community. Then, once Mubarak is gone, the entire regime collapses or at some other opportune moment, the army will take over in the name of the people while in fact the same imperialist agenda would reign in Egypt and the people's movement will be blocked.

Their first attempt to pave the way for the military to intervene has so far failed. This involved the Egyptian regime withdrawing the repressive police from the streets and unleashing thousands of hired thugs, including former police officers imprisoned for corruption and crimes against the people. These organized gangs, dubbed pro-Mubarak protestors by the monopoly media, attacked demonstrators in the most vicious and brutal ways. The hope was that the demonstrators would react with all-out violence and vengefulness, making it possible to demonize the protestors as violent and extremist, then voilà, the military would have an excuse to intervene between the two violent "sides." Similarly, the Anglo-Zionist imperialist states would then have some basis to defend whatever the Egyptian regime and military decided to do in order to stop the alleged violence. It would also ultimately justify the position of the army, which has begun cautioning that now is the time for people to go home or chaos will ensue. The plan so far has failed due to the acumen of the revolutionary forces. Outside of pure self-defense, the millions of protestors have not fallen into this trap. They have refused to take the bait and are maintaining the restrained, peaceful character of the mass actions.

The role of the army will become increasingly obvious for all to see as the time for Mubarak's inevitable departure nears. Already, the military is shifting its discourse. For instance, on February 4, for the first time the Minister of Defense, Mohamed Tantawi and an army spokesperson addressed the demonstrations demanding that the people empty the streets because their actions are destroying Egypt as a country. Certainly, the piper is now playing a different tune.

The reactionary forces would have us believe that while the police are bad, the military is good and the hired thugs are pro-Mubarak Egyptians. They would have us believe that under a military dictatorship -- i.e., Egypt is ruled by the military due to the State of Emergency declared by Mubarak 30 years ago -- it is possible for the military to be neutral. The military, the police and the government are one entity -- the power arrangement established by the imperialists so that Egypt is a pawn for their interests. Overall, this is the play, these are the players, but the Egyptian people are a factor in the unfolding events that cannot be underestimated and they are playing for keeps.

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Egyptian Women Stand Second to None






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Canada-Wide Actions in Support of Egyptian People

Halifax



Montreal



Toronto


Vancouver

(TML Daily, Media Coop)

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Concerning the Democracy Movement
Erupting in Egypt and Other Arab Countries

Since January 25, a powerful movement for the democratic renewal of Egyptian society has exploded across that country. The most determined demonstrations have been taking place on a round-the-clock basis inside Liberation ("Tahrir") Square in central Cairo. Throughout the drama currently unfolding before the eyes of the entire world, the United States has been gambling desperately with the future of the present generation about to enter the ranks of the working class and middle strata in Egypt. This is seen in the brazen manner that it has been touting itself as the world's greatest defender of democracy and modernity.

This posture of the U.S. empire builders is aimed at blocking people from grasping the truth from the facts unfolding in front of their eyes. The truth is that the "democracy" to which U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, U.S. President Barack Obama and all their allies are committed stands utterly opposed to the demands being put forward throughout the country by the forces of the youth, workers and women waging the struggle for genuine democracy and nation-building that serves the Egyptian people. Indeed all the forces of darkest reaction on the world scale -- and, by the way, with or without Mubarak -- are determined to exterminate the progressive movement of the Egyptian working class and people.

This democracy movement has shaken the Cairo regime to the point of compelling President Mubarak to name military intelligence chief Omar Suleiman as vice-president, and Ahmed Shafiq as prime minister. As of Thursday February 3, Mubarak continued to reject all calls to leave. In public addresses to his countrymen and interviews with U.S. media, he sounded like Louis XVI in revolutionary France more than two centuries ago declaring "après moi, le déluge" as he continued to claim that the country will dissolve in chaos and anarchy the moment he steps down. Meanwhile, among the concessions and promised "reforms" announced by the leaders of the "new" team at the helm, Vice-President Suleiman called for "dialogue" with all the opposition groups now demanding the departure of Mubarak, and reassured the public that their sons and daughters coming out in their millions to partake in the democracy movement would not be attacked by the state security forces and would enjoy the protection of the armed forces from any attempts by terrorist gangs to turn the pro-democracy demonstrations into a bloodbath. At the same time, without admitting the regime's organizing and paid employment of these gangs, Prime Minister Shafiq actually apologized in the government's name for the attacks unleashed during the night of Wednesday February 2 against the pro-democracy forces occupying Freedom Square. The unity of the governing oligarchy meanwhile continued to shake and shatter as various former government ministers were forbidden to leave the country and had their financial assets frozen pending corruption investigations.

Regardless of these cosmetic shifts and changes, it has proven impossible to conceal the essence of the vice-presidential and prime-ministerial appointments: the military dictatorship Mubarak has fashioned is being maintained and extended. Suleiman and Shafiq themselves come from the top levels of the same armed forces hierarchy as Mubarak. Through its ranks, Mubarak himself rose to the pinnacle of Egyptian politics 30 years ago following the assassination of President Anwar Sadat. While fending off the democratic movement's insistent demand that Mubarak step down, the Egyptian oligarchy and the topmost levels of the armed forces of the regime have been in continuous negotiations with the U.S. The parties to these discussions include: President Barack Obama; designated persons from the U.S. armed forces starting with Admiral Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; the Chief of Staff of the Egyptian Armed Forces (who was cloistered in the Pentagon for almost a week before returning to Cairo on January 29); and the current and past U.S. ambassadors to Egypt, among others.

The public around the world are able to watch the events in Freedom Square live around the clock on Al Jazeera television and other networks taking Al Jazeera's signal. Throughout these dramatic events, the media have been compelled to remind people repeatedly of the "sensitive" relationship between the Mubarak regime, the United States government and the State of Israel. Egypt has had a peace treaty with Tel Aviv since 1979 that has facilitated the ongoing Israeli occupation and suppression of the Palestinian territories. As the country in charge of the Suez Canal, through which 8-10 per cent of world shipborne traffic travels, Egypt extracts $1.5 billion in U.S. "aid" annually -- $1.3 billion of which is military "aid" second only to U.S. military "aid" to the State of Israel.

There are a number of features of the Egyptian people's democracy movement that decisively overturn key stereotypes carefully crafted over the last couple of decades by the U.S. empire-builders. Most dramatically, the U.S. and the European Union have been caught on the one hand hailing the movement for democracy while on the other hand, with the entire world watching, working overtime to save the Mubarak-led oligarchy from its inevitable fate at the hands of its own people. The development of this mass movement -- which was not anticipated by the Obama regime or any of its "allies" -- has raised a spectre in which the most reactionary and fascist-minded forces on the world scale have been compelled to bare their teeth and openly attack that movement with all means -- ideological, political, economic and military -- at their disposal.

Earlier in this decade, during the presidency of George W. Bush, the U.S. empire-builders became past masters at sponsoring and engineering "democratic" so-called "coloured revolutions" by reactionary anti-social criminal elements in parts of the former Soviet Union like Ukraine, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania etc. At the turn of the millennium, the U.S. empire builders were similarly interfering in the name of "democracy" in the lives and futures of the peoples of former Yugoslavia. The U.S. empire builders had become incredibly puffed up about their invincibility, going so far as to declare the "end of history" as they supported all the internal forces in eastern Europe and the Gorbachev regime tearing down -- in the name of "democracy" -- the remains of the Soviet order then prevailing in those countries.

Various elements have been attempting to characterize the movement that has been erupting at this time in Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, Jordan and Algeria relative to this earlier anti-communist pro-democracy movement in eastern Europe in 1989-1991. Especially facile comparisons are being touted in the monopoly media between the fix in which the Mubarak regime now finds itself and the disappearance of the East German state following the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989. In this connection, the U.S. leftist intellectual Noam Chomsky published an op-ed piece at the Truthout website on February 2, whose title copies Al Jazeera's headline that "the Arab world is on fire." The most remarkable feature of this lengthy piece is the manner in which Prof. Chomsky manages to notice all kinds of superficial similarities and differences without ever noticing that the very "democracy" that was the cri-de coeur of the empire-builders in 1989-91 is what they are now doing everything to pervert and subvert in the Middle East during 2011. Indeed: precisely what has the empire builders and their left-sloganeers now shaking in their boots is the evident fact that the peoples of Egypt and the other regions in ferment at this moment across the Arab world are grasping the wheel of history in their own hands and are turning it against the will of the empire-builders.

Should we be surprised?

Twenty years ago, Comrade Hardial Bains, founder and leader of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist), pointed out in his work Communism 1989-1991 that: "The battle lines drawn in 1917 [at the time of the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia] remain the same, but the forms in which the battles are fought will be different. The consequences of this change have already been seen in 1989-91, when the slogans put forward by the various forces did not quite match their character. The right wing called for democracy, its sworn enemy. The working people called for the rule of the new forces, which could only go against their own interests. Soon the real character of all the forces will reveal itself. While it is true that no force can act in the old way, it is also true that no force can hide its true character." (pp. 41-42)

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The President's Promises and the Bloody Events of Wednesday, February 2

We the protesters who have currently been in a sit-in at Tahrir (Liberation) Square in Cairo since January 25, 2011, strongly condemn the brutal attack carried out by the governing National Democratic Party's (NDP) mercenaries at our location on Wednesday, February 2, under the guise of a "rally" in support of President Mubarak. This attack has continued on Thursday, February 3. We regret that some young people have joined these thugs and criminals, whom the NDP is accustomed to hiring during elections, to march them off after spreading several falsehoods circulated by the regime's media about us and our goals. These goals that aim at changing the political system into one that guarantees freedom, dignity and social justice to all citizens are also the goals of the youth. Therefore we want to clarify the following.

Firstly, we are a group of young Muslim and Christian Egyptians; the overwhelming majority of us does not belong to political parties and have no previous political activism. Our movement involves the elderly and children, peasants, workers, professionals, students and pensioners. Our movement cannot be classified as "paid for" or "directed by" a limited few because it has attracted millions who responded to its call of removing the regime. People joined us last Tuesday in Cairo and other governorates in a scene that witnessed not one case of violence, assault on property or harassment of anyone.

Secondly, our movement is accused of being funded from abroad, supported by the United States, as being instigated by Hamas, as under the leadership of the president of the National Assembly for change (Mohamed El-Baradei) and, last but not least, as directed by the Muslim Brotherhood. Many accusations like these prove to be false. The protesters are all Egyptians who have clear and specific national objectives. The protesters have no weapons or foreign equipment as claimed by instigators. The broad positive response of the people to our movement's goals reveals that these are the goals of the Egyptian masses in general, not any internal or external faction or entity.

Thirdly, the regime and its paid media falsely blame us, young demonstrators, for the tension and instability in the streets of Egypt in recent days and therefore damaging our nation's interests and security. Our answer to them is: It is not the peaceful protesters who released the criminal offenders from prison onto the unguarded streets to practise looting and plundering. It is not the peaceful protesters who have imposed a curfew starting at 3.00 pm. It is not the peaceful protesters who have stopped the work in banks, bakeries and gas stations. When the protesters organised the one-million demonstration it came up in the most magnificent and organised form and ended peacefully. It is not the protesters who killed 300 people, some with live ammunition, and wounding more than 2,000 people in the last few days.

Fourthly, President Mubarak came out on Tuesday to announce that he will not stand in the upcoming presidential election and that he will modify two articles in the Constitution, and engage in dialogue with the opposition. However, the State media has attacked us when we refused his "concession" and decided to go on with our movement. Our demand that Mubarak steps down immediately is not a personal matter, but we have clear reasons for it which include:

1. His promise not to run again is not new. He promised when he came to power in 1981 that he would not run for more than two legislatures but he continued for more than 30 years.

2. His speech did not [present any guarantee] for not nominating his son "Gamal," who remains until now a member of the ruling party, and can stand for election that will not be under judicial supervision since he ignored any reference to the amendment of Article 88 of the Constitution.

3. He also considered our movement a "plot directed by a force" that works against the interests of the nation as if responding to the demands of the public is a "shame" or "humiliation."

4. As regards to his promise of conducting a dialogue with the opposition, we know how many times over the past years the regime claimed this and ended up with enforcing the narrow interests of the Mubarak State and the few people who control it.

And the events of Wednesday proved our stand is vindicated. While the President was giving his promises, the leaders of his regime were organising (along with paid thugs and wanted criminals equipped with swords, knives and Molotov cocktails) a brutal plot to attack us in Tahrir Square. Those thugs and criminals were accompanied by NDP members who fired machine guns on unarmed protesters who were trapped on the square, killing at least seven and wounding hundreds of us critically. This was done in order to end our peaceful national popular movement and preserve the status quo.

Our movement is Egyptian -- Our movement is legitimate -- Our movement is continuing.

The Youth of the Tahrir Square Sit-In
February 3, 2011
11:30 am

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