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Wynne's 2014 Budget
New Window Dressing for Liberal Austerity
May 27, 2014 - Premier Kathleen
Wynne called the general election
immediately after her Finance Minister Charles Sousa released the
government's 2014 budget as it lacked support for it to pass. Since
then, the Liberal Party has been using this
budget as its election platform. Most of the monopoly media
characterized the budget as "progressive," which no doubt the
Liberals had anticipated when they released it as a pre-election budget.
This spin about the alleged
progressiveness of the
latest Liberal government budget was given a boost with the publication
of a protest letter sent to NDP leader Andrea Horwath by a group of
well know political personalities describing themselves as life-long
NDP supporters. While the protest letter denounced
the whole NDP election platform and strategy, the main complaint of its
authors was that the NDP would not support Wynne's budget. "We were
angry when you voted against the most progressive budget in recent
Ontario history," the letter said.
Praise of the 2014 budget
as progressive is totally
unwarranted. It focuses attention on the superficial political elements
of the budget while ignoring the overall economic direction it sets
out. The 2013 and 2014 budgets of Finance Minister Sousa have the same
essential economic elements as the austerity budgets
of former Finance Minister Dwight Duncan in 2011 and 2012.
All of these Liberal budgets have the same aim:
extracting billions of dollars from health, education and other social
programs in the name of deficit reduction while at the same time
channelling billions of dollars into pay-the-rich schemes. Only the
political elements of the budgets -- the political window dressing --
have
changed.
Under McGuinty and Duncan the Liberals were following an
openly pro-austerity strategy in their competition with the PCs to be
the champions of the ruling elite. The budgets of the Liberals at that
time included many measures that had little economic significance but
contained a strong pro-austerity political
message. For example, in the 2012 budget Duncan cut $150 million from
social assistance, disability and low-income child benefits and
publicized these cuts widely. These cuts were a hardship for the
vulnerable people affected but amounted to less than a rounding error
on the $127 billion budget.
Their openly pro-austerity
stand turned into a disaster
for the Liberals because of the widespread opposition to austerity and
mobilization of working people to defend their rights as the government
tried to impose it. Without changing their commitment to austerity, the
Liberals reset their approach for imposing
it. McGuinty, Duncan and other ministers were dumped and Kathleen Wynne
was installed as leader to give the Liberals a "social justice" brand
behind which they could impose austerity more stealthily.
As part of this rebranding, Wynne's two budgets did away
with such political measures as Duncan's gratuitous attacks on the
poor. The Liberals have let up on their attacks on the most vulnerable.
Good. But how can a budget be considered progressive when it sets out
the plan for continuing the broad austerity
offensive aimed at driving down the living standard and trampling on
the rights of working people?
Behind the political window dressing of the budget and
the cascade of Liberal smooth talk about "balance" and "fairness" are
the cold facts. A Liberal government, especially a Liberal majority,
means four more years of cuts to health, education and other public
services and more attacks on the rights of workers
who deliver these services and on the rights of all.
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